So Thomas Mulcair is the new leader of the federal NDP. Like Dick Cheney, and on the same day, the NDP received a heart transplant. The fiery Irish/French politician, lovingly known in Quebec as the "Grizzly Bear", puts an air of combat into a Party best known as a forum for the feel good.
On a strategic note, Mulcair ushers in a historic new era to Canadian politics. Last year the NDP took second party status from the Liberals based on a near complete victory in the province of Quebec. An accurate analysis of that victory is Quebecers got tired of being on the outside looking in as was the case with the Bloc Quebecois. Being perhaps the greatest pragmatists in Canada they decided to instead capture an otherwise weak federal Party, and get themselves back into the power equation federally - on their terms.
Having captured the traditional home base of the Liberal Party, Quebec, and having placed a Quebecer in charge of the Party, Thomas Mulcair, the NDP are now within striking distance of becoming the new Liberal Party federally. To be successful they will have to make further inroads in Atlantic Canada, and Ontario. They are positioned to do that. Take the one small example of Jack Harris. Harris is a strong personal and professional confidant of former Newfoundland and Labrador premier Danny Williams. He backed Mulcair's leadership bid, and the ex-premier himself gave a videotaped tribute to the late Jack Layton. During his tribute he singled out the work of his old buddy Harris - who just happened to be backing Mulcair. And so it goes.
Bottom line is Mulcair's NDP will be a much different breed than Layton's NDP. This NDP will be aggressive, relentless, and determined. It will target the old Liberal territories to form a new power base that will challenge Harper's Ontario/West power base. Expect to see Newfoundlanders like Ryan Cleary and Jack Harris taking on a far more public profile in the government. Look to see the NDP focusing on issues of importance to Quebec and Ontario. Look to see Mulcair woo soft Liberal or small "L" Liberals over to the NDP by naming them as "progressives." Hard to argue that title: "I'm not a Progressive! I'm a Regressive!"
Quebec politicians in general have always understood exactly how the ebb and flow of Canadian politics work. They above all other Canadians have a sense of it all, and they know how to work it. Mulcair is no different. Look for him to make the Liberals in the House of Commons look like the retirement club. Will the Liberals react properly? Can they reach within the ranks to discover a politician that can lead them back to victory in their traditional base of support? Hard to say. One thing is certain though: The NDP has put a man in charge that can do that, and is aiming for all the Liberals traditional support base. As a partisan that is not NDP I find the obvious facts unfolding on the ground disturbing. As a political observer I have to say that this historical move appears underway. For better or for worse.
Here's to the crazy ones, the misfits, the rebels, the troublemakers, the
round pegs in the square holes... the ones who see things differently -- they're
not fond of rules... You can quote them, disagree with them, glorify or vilify
them, but the only thing you can't do is ignore them because they change
things... they push the human race forward, and while some may see them as the
crazy ones, we see genius, because the ones who are crazy enough to think that
they can change the world, are the ones who do.
Steve Jobs
US computer engineer & industrialist (1955 - 2011)
Saturday, March 24, 2012
Friday, March 16, 2012
The Stunned
Simply put - the stunned. How else can you describe the political gong-show of the last two weeks in Newfoundland. We have the on-again off-again budget that has been postponed until the federal budget is announced for starters. This provincial government loves to crow how it is the example of fiscal management and the Captain of the good ship "Have Province". Yet, it is so dependent on the federal government's moves that it must wait until the federal budget comes out first?
Then, Kathy Dunderdale announces a sweeping 3% cut across the board, to reduce government spending, which would total well over $200 million in cuts. A day or two later she states well actually essential departments like health and education won't be cut. Fair enough, but not across the board by any means. Then a day later she says there will not be any job losses except through attrition of retiring employees. Then she says well actually one third of the 2600 contract employees will be laid off - which would be just over 800 people. The next day she says it will be well less than 800 people laid off. Somewhere in the midst of all these "clarifications" she announces the actual dollar cuts will not be almost $300 million, but closer to $100 million. The casual observer is left scratching their head and wondering if the Premier: A) Is being fed disinformation by the finance department; B) Is making up major policy on the fly; or C) Forgot to take her medication for the last several weeks.
That brings us to the opening of the House of Assembly. The most shuttered legislature in the country, that last sat some 9 months ago, finally opened to great expectation last week. Just after the provincial election in October Dunderdale made the following statement defending her government's decision not to open the House until March:
"We need legislation to bring to the floor of the house of assembly. It's not going to be ready in time"
Yet, there is no legislation to speak of being brought forward by the government. So the House sat empty for five months after an election so the government could prepare major legislation for presentation, but the government didn't draft any. They did not even have a budget ready. Nothing.
The circus continued once the House opened with what can only be described as an embarrassing lack of talent on the government side. Jerome Kennedy, leadership wannabe and Danny Williams yes man, proceeded to make a complete horses arse out of himself. He viciously attacked Liberal member Jim Bennet for leaving a threatening telephone message on a ministers answering machine. He read the transcript of the message in the House for the record. He attempted to have the Speaker censor Bennett for threatening a minister. The gist of the phone message: take care of a cancer patient who needed transport to chemo or he would "vilify" the minister on open line radio. My God! Bennett apologized, but that was not enough for the morally outraged Kennedy. Course then Russell Wangersky wrote a blistering column on the sheer hypocrisy of Kennedy's moves and all seemed to fade away http://tinyurl.com/73u9l93 .
The other clown this week was Darin King, Minister of Fisheries, and along with Kennedy, pretender to Dunderdale's throne. His petty antics in the House can only be measured against his childish antics on Twitter. Whether it be the pseudo intellectual bravado of quoting Shakespeare by Kennedy, the questionably rabid attacks on Dale Kirby by another intellectual great MHA Paul Lane, or the pontificating Darin King, Twitter has become a permanent record of foot in mouth disease for this government. The latest beauty came today with King issuing an actual press release http://tinyurl.com/7kr97nl chastising the Opposition for, among other things, not asking him enough questions on the fishery. My personal favourite is this little gem of wisdom included in the press release:
"I ask you all to be hon. members in this House and if you are going to come forward, you present information that is factual and that is accurate and present information that shows where you stand on issues, not trivial press releases calling the minister to resign because he made a joking comment to ministers in this House. If you want to be taken seriously, you do not put those kinds of press releases out. You tell people how you would do things differently and you challenge me to ask me how I can improve things, and I will certainly do that.”
Apparently, King didn't recognize that his own press release had not one shred of any "doing things differentley". It was in fact a use of government resources for partisan political purposes - which given enough research one may find is in breach of government policy.
Unfortunately like Muskrat Falls, the fishery, or any other matter of significance to the future of the people of Newfoundland and Labrador, this government's strategy is to " baffle with bullshit". Put disinformation out there. Put out enough foolishness. Rob the debate, or the actual institution, of any real credibility so the people have nowhere to seek leadership. Eventually they will give up in disdain, and get on with their lives leaving all those big, bad decisions to the people that know best - the PC Party of Newfoundland. It's a strategy of deception that is so low as to barely qualify the goings on as democratic in any way. After all, democracy is not simply limited to the actual practice of getting elected. It's also about how you handle the people's business in the following years of your mandate. Don't believe that? Ask Brian Mulroney or better yet Kim Campbell.
The PC Party of Newfoundland has dragged the process down into the gutter. Perhaps it is a place they feel most accustomed. Perhaps it is a place they feel at home. The rest of us were looking forward to reasoned, and seasoned debate on truly crucial issues facing the province. The kind of issues and decisions that reverberate for generations. What did we get? The stunned.
Then, Kathy Dunderdale announces a sweeping 3% cut across the board, to reduce government spending, which would total well over $200 million in cuts. A day or two later she states well actually essential departments like health and education won't be cut. Fair enough, but not across the board by any means. Then a day later she says there will not be any job losses except through attrition of retiring employees. Then she says well actually one third of the 2600 contract employees will be laid off - which would be just over 800 people. The next day she says it will be well less than 800 people laid off. Somewhere in the midst of all these "clarifications" she announces the actual dollar cuts will not be almost $300 million, but closer to $100 million. The casual observer is left scratching their head and wondering if the Premier: A) Is being fed disinformation by the finance department; B) Is making up major policy on the fly; or C) Forgot to take her medication for the last several weeks.
That brings us to the opening of the House of Assembly. The most shuttered legislature in the country, that last sat some 9 months ago, finally opened to great expectation last week. Just after the provincial election in October Dunderdale made the following statement defending her government's decision not to open the House until March:
"We need legislation to bring to the floor of the house of assembly. It's not going to be ready in time"
Yet, there is no legislation to speak of being brought forward by the government. So the House sat empty for five months after an election so the government could prepare major legislation for presentation, but the government didn't draft any. They did not even have a budget ready. Nothing.
The circus continued once the House opened with what can only be described as an embarrassing lack of talent on the government side. Jerome Kennedy, leadership wannabe and Danny Williams yes man, proceeded to make a complete horses arse out of himself. He viciously attacked Liberal member Jim Bennet for leaving a threatening telephone message on a ministers answering machine. He read the transcript of the message in the House for the record. He attempted to have the Speaker censor Bennett for threatening a minister. The gist of the phone message: take care of a cancer patient who needed transport to chemo or he would "vilify" the minister on open line radio. My God! Bennett apologized, but that was not enough for the morally outraged Kennedy. Course then Russell Wangersky wrote a blistering column on the sheer hypocrisy of Kennedy's moves and all seemed to fade away http://tinyurl.com/73u9l93 .
The other clown this week was Darin King, Minister of Fisheries, and along with Kennedy, pretender to Dunderdale's throne. His petty antics in the House can only be measured against his childish antics on Twitter. Whether it be the pseudo intellectual bravado of quoting Shakespeare by Kennedy, the questionably rabid attacks on Dale Kirby by another intellectual great MHA Paul Lane, or the pontificating Darin King, Twitter has become a permanent record of foot in mouth disease for this government. The latest beauty came today with King issuing an actual press release http://tinyurl.com/7kr97nl chastising the Opposition for, among other things, not asking him enough questions on the fishery. My personal favourite is this little gem of wisdom included in the press release:
"I ask you all to be hon. members in this House and if you are going to come forward, you present information that is factual and that is accurate and present information that shows where you stand on issues, not trivial press releases calling the minister to resign because he made a joking comment to ministers in this House. If you want to be taken seriously, you do not put those kinds of press releases out. You tell people how you would do things differently and you challenge me to ask me how I can improve things, and I will certainly do that.”
Apparently, King didn't recognize that his own press release had not one shred of any "doing things differentley". It was in fact a use of government resources for partisan political purposes - which given enough research one may find is in breach of government policy.
Unfortunately like Muskrat Falls, the fishery, or any other matter of significance to the future of the people of Newfoundland and Labrador, this government's strategy is to " baffle with bullshit". Put disinformation out there. Put out enough foolishness. Rob the debate, or the actual institution, of any real credibility so the people have nowhere to seek leadership. Eventually they will give up in disdain, and get on with their lives leaving all those big, bad decisions to the people that know best - the PC Party of Newfoundland. It's a strategy of deception that is so low as to barely qualify the goings on as democratic in any way. After all, democracy is not simply limited to the actual practice of getting elected. It's also about how you handle the people's business in the following years of your mandate. Don't believe that? Ask Brian Mulroney or better yet Kim Campbell.
The PC Party of Newfoundland has dragged the process down into the gutter. Perhaps it is a place they feel most accustomed. Perhaps it is a place they feel at home. The rest of us were looking forward to reasoned, and seasoned debate on truly crucial issues facing the province. The kind of issues and decisions that reverberate for generations. What did we get? The stunned.
Saturday, March 3, 2012
Build It and They Will Come
2003 marked the official entry of Danny Williams as the Premier of Newfoundland and Labrador. I say official, because prior to 2003 Williams was behind the scenes engineering a revolution of sorts in the province. Through his personal and professional relationships with the likes of Brian Tobin (Liberal Premier) and Dean MacDonald (former business associate and then head of Newfoundland and Labrador Hydro) he began orchestrating the downfall of the Liberal Party and the rise of his Progressive Conservative Party.
His revolution was firmly based in Newfoundland nationalism, but its primary goal was economic development. A not-so-silent revolution of sorts. Tobin, MacDonald and Williams had a common goal in mind - develop Labrador as the mining mecca of Canada. To do this they had to create the conditions to attract foreign investment capital into the province. The common limitation to their goal was a lack of infrastructure. Labrador had the raw resource base, but lacked: rail capacity; ice-free sea port capacity; and plentiful cheap electrical power.
Tobin tried to satisfy the power need by entering into an agreement with Quebec's Lucien Bouchard to develop the Lower Churchill. The deal fizzled out. Tobin left office, and Grimes took over. Grimes reached a deal with Quebec to develop the Lower Churchill. Dean MacDonald, the head of Newfoundland Hydro resigned over it, and that deal fizzled. Williams took over, courted Quebec for a deal and then advocated the new, much reduced Muskrat Falls development. Not to be outdone, Quebec announced its own Plan Nord to develop its half of the Labrador trough and other areas of northern Quebec. Its stated goal: to develop the north for mines of all kinds. The cost: $85 billion at a minimum.
Tobin took over Thompson Consolidated and created a railroad as well, which he promised other mines in the area could use to ship their raw ore to port. That port is located in Quebec, and just a few weeks ago the federal government committed $55 million dollars to expand the port to handle iron ore exports to the markets of Europe and China. The last part of the puzzle is the power - Muskrat Falls.
Meanwhile, Williams has been busy as well. Since his premature resignation as Premier he announced a mega $5 billion development on the Avalon which basically aims to increase the size of the capital by the size of Gander. It all sounds exciting and positive - except for reality.
The problem is history, or perhaps the denial of history. Newfoundland's history over the last 40 years has been massive outmigration to Western Canada, massive growth of the gross public debt, a strong abhorance to "outsiders", and recently a massive infusion of oil revenues into capital projects rather than the retirement of debt. Williams plans stubbornly ignore all the lessons the rest of the world is currently being taught - that runaway public spending equals disaster. It ignores the effects of hyper inflation on housing markets, the resulting high consumer debt leveraged against those artificially inflated home equities, and the collapse when those artifically high priced homes meets the reality of people's ability to carry the debt. It ignores the lack of a properly trained work force to execute the grand design.
Williams and company ignore the lack of capacity, human and otherwise, to realistically carry off the plan. Their blind march toward profit ignores the peril at which they place the province's population and its debt load. It could be compared to putting 1000 volts through a breaker capable of handling 100. What happens? The breaker trips and there is no power. We've already just witnessed some of these trips: the loss of the $100 million Hebron module; and the shut down of the yards in Marystown. To put it simply, the eyes are bigger than the stomach. The skilled workforce does not exist. While Newfoundlanders are famous for being jacks of all trades, the problem is they are masters of few. Many of those with specific trades have left the province. They have bought homes out west. They have families there. Their children in many cases are born out west, and know nothing of Newfoundland other than Nan and Pop live there. They are not planning to return, no matter the spin, with the possible exception of some people coming back to retire. That is retire, and not to work.
A big reason for the workforce remaining in the west is frankly money. They make more money out west, and their taxes are far lower - so they keep much more of that money. They aren't surrounded by the politics of Newfoundland that they understand all too well, and they do not want that life for their children.
Of course Newfoundland could look for new immigrants to the province, but there is a problem with that as well. Frankly, Newfoundlanders don't trust outsiders. People not born in the province are referred to as mainlanders, or come from aways (CFAs). The message: your not one of us. Not exactly the environment that will attract people to the province, and likely a primary reason why Newfoundland has historically been unable to hold onto those newcomers. A recent news article referred to the inability of the Clarenville area to keep new doctors beyond a year or two. The people responsible for recruiting doctors to the area stated that more Newfoundland trained doctors were needed as immigrants won't stay past two years. A better approach would be to change the attitudes of Newfoundlanders toward those new immigrants it will need just to survive - let alone grow.
Adding to the problem - the provincal government's 20% plus expansion of the civil service in the past 5 years. In a serious case of robbing Peter to pay Paul, the provincial government has flooded the ranks of the civil service denying manpower to the private sector. It has also increased its fixed expenditures to the point that cutting government spending will have to involve cutting jobs, which in turn will lead to labour unrest in the union dominated province.
Complicating all financial aspects of Newfoundland's ambition is the debt. Current annual interest payments on the debt are $890 million on average. By comparison, Saskatchewan, which shared top place for economic growth with Newfoundland in 2011 at 3.9%, had interest payments of just $405 million. Furthermore, its population is over twice that of Newfoundland. Bottom line is that while both provinces have seen record natural resource revenues in the last 5 years, one has paid its debt down significantly while the other has essentially spent the money as it has come in. Newfoundland's gross debt has actually increased over the last 5 years. The provincial government simply uses the value of new schools, hospitals, etc and subtracts their value from the gross debt to come up with the "net debt". It reports that "net debt" has decreased, but in reality overall debt has continued to grow.
As if that were not enough, the offset payments to compensate Newfoundland for revenue losses on equalization, due to the new found oil wealth, end this year. That is going to cost the Treasury about $500 million a year as Newfoundland starts to finally pay the bill of a "have province". Then there is the renegotiation of the equalization agreements starting in 2013. The federal government has already indicated it will be cutting health transfer increases by 50% in the coming years. For a province that receives 23% of its revenues from the federal government these cuts directly affect the bottom line.
To say that Newfoundland and Labrador is chasing its own tail right now may be an understatement. Essentially Danny Williams and company have lit their own province on fire. A cocktail of massive public and private debt, hyperinflation in costs, below average wages, higher than average taxation, aging/declining population, lack of the necessary skilled work force, intolerance of newcomers, and a stubborn refusal to skillfully deal with any of it. The perfect storm of what you don't want happening to your economy.The same people who just years ago touted Ireland and Iceland, as examples of successful island nations taking the world by storm, now never mention them. Why not? Both places are now economic basket cases failed by their inability to see through their own hype. Failed by the fragility of the foundations their economies were based on. Here in Newfoundland, our political and business leadership have placed us on this same path. They tell us: "If we build it they will come." Will we be like the rest, and ignore our obvious limitations, with the same result?
His revolution was firmly based in Newfoundland nationalism, but its primary goal was economic development. A not-so-silent revolution of sorts. Tobin, MacDonald and Williams had a common goal in mind - develop Labrador as the mining mecca of Canada. To do this they had to create the conditions to attract foreign investment capital into the province. The common limitation to their goal was a lack of infrastructure. Labrador had the raw resource base, but lacked: rail capacity; ice-free sea port capacity; and plentiful cheap electrical power.
Tobin tried to satisfy the power need by entering into an agreement with Quebec's Lucien Bouchard to develop the Lower Churchill. The deal fizzled out. Tobin left office, and Grimes took over. Grimes reached a deal with Quebec to develop the Lower Churchill. Dean MacDonald, the head of Newfoundland Hydro resigned over it, and that deal fizzled. Williams took over, courted Quebec for a deal and then advocated the new, much reduced Muskrat Falls development. Not to be outdone, Quebec announced its own Plan Nord to develop its half of the Labrador trough and other areas of northern Quebec. Its stated goal: to develop the north for mines of all kinds. The cost: $85 billion at a minimum.
Tobin took over Thompson Consolidated and created a railroad as well, which he promised other mines in the area could use to ship their raw ore to port. That port is located in Quebec, and just a few weeks ago the federal government committed $55 million dollars to expand the port to handle iron ore exports to the markets of Europe and China. The last part of the puzzle is the power - Muskrat Falls.
Meanwhile, Williams has been busy as well. Since his premature resignation as Premier he announced a mega $5 billion development on the Avalon which basically aims to increase the size of the capital by the size of Gander. It all sounds exciting and positive - except for reality.
The problem is history, or perhaps the denial of history. Newfoundland's history over the last 40 years has been massive outmigration to Western Canada, massive growth of the gross public debt, a strong abhorance to "outsiders", and recently a massive infusion of oil revenues into capital projects rather than the retirement of debt. Williams plans stubbornly ignore all the lessons the rest of the world is currently being taught - that runaway public spending equals disaster. It ignores the effects of hyper inflation on housing markets, the resulting high consumer debt leveraged against those artificially inflated home equities, and the collapse when those artifically high priced homes meets the reality of people's ability to carry the debt. It ignores the lack of a properly trained work force to execute the grand design.
Williams and company ignore the lack of capacity, human and otherwise, to realistically carry off the plan. Their blind march toward profit ignores the peril at which they place the province's population and its debt load. It could be compared to putting 1000 volts through a breaker capable of handling 100. What happens? The breaker trips and there is no power. We've already just witnessed some of these trips: the loss of the $100 million Hebron module; and the shut down of the yards in Marystown. To put it simply, the eyes are bigger than the stomach. The skilled workforce does not exist. While Newfoundlanders are famous for being jacks of all trades, the problem is they are masters of few. Many of those with specific trades have left the province. They have bought homes out west. They have families there. Their children in many cases are born out west, and know nothing of Newfoundland other than Nan and Pop live there. They are not planning to return, no matter the spin, with the possible exception of some people coming back to retire. That is retire, and not to work.
A big reason for the workforce remaining in the west is frankly money. They make more money out west, and their taxes are far lower - so they keep much more of that money. They aren't surrounded by the politics of Newfoundland that they understand all too well, and they do not want that life for their children.
Of course Newfoundland could look for new immigrants to the province, but there is a problem with that as well. Frankly, Newfoundlanders don't trust outsiders. People not born in the province are referred to as mainlanders, or come from aways (CFAs). The message: your not one of us. Not exactly the environment that will attract people to the province, and likely a primary reason why Newfoundland has historically been unable to hold onto those newcomers. A recent news article referred to the inability of the Clarenville area to keep new doctors beyond a year or two. The people responsible for recruiting doctors to the area stated that more Newfoundland trained doctors were needed as immigrants won't stay past two years. A better approach would be to change the attitudes of Newfoundlanders toward those new immigrants it will need just to survive - let alone grow.
Adding to the problem - the provincal government's 20% plus expansion of the civil service in the past 5 years. In a serious case of robbing Peter to pay Paul, the provincial government has flooded the ranks of the civil service denying manpower to the private sector. It has also increased its fixed expenditures to the point that cutting government spending will have to involve cutting jobs, which in turn will lead to labour unrest in the union dominated province.
Complicating all financial aspects of Newfoundland's ambition is the debt. Current annual interest payments on the debt are $890 million on average. By comparison, Saskatchewan, which shared top place for economic growth with Newfoundland in 2011 at 3.9%, had interest payments of just $405 million. Furthermore, its population is over twice that of Newfoundland. Bottom line is that while both provinces have seen record natural resource revenues in the last 5 years, one has paid its debt down significantly while the other has essentially spent the money as it has come in. Newfoundland's gross debt has actually increased over the last 5 years. The provincial government simply uses the value of new schools, hospitals, etc and subtracts their value from the gross debt to come up with the "net debt". It reports that "net debt" has decreased, but in reality overall debt has continued to grow.
As if that were not enough, the offset payments to compensate Newfoundland for revenue losses on equalization, due to the new found oil wealth, end this year. That is going to cost the Treasury about $500 million a year as Newfoundland starts to finally pay the bill of a "have province". Then there is the renegotiation of the equalization agreements starting in 2013. The federal government has already indicated it will be cutting health transfer increases by 50% in the coming years. For a province that receives 23% of its revenues from the federal government these cuts directly affect the bottom line.
To say that Newfoundland and Labrador is chasing its own tail right now may be an understatement. Essentially Danny Williams and company have lit their own province on fire. A cocktail of massive public and private debt, hyperinflation in costs, below average wages, higher than average taxation, aging/declining population, lack of the necessary skilled work force, intolerance of newcomers, and a stubborn refusal to skillfully deal with any of it. The perfect storm of what you don't want happening to your economy.The same people who just years ago touted Ireland and Iceland, as examples of successful island nations taking the world by storm, now never mention them. Why not? Both places are now economic basket cases failed by their inability to see through their own hype. Failed by the fragility of the foundations their economies were based on. Here in Newfoundland, our political and business leadership have placed us on this same path. They tell us: "If we build it they will come." Will we be like the rest, and ignore our obvious limitations, with the same result?
Tuesday, February 28, 2012
Assualt on Democracy
The PC government of Newfoundland and Labrador has completely lost touch with what it means to be living in a democratic society. The Charter of Rights, which safeguards our rights as citizens in Canada, states:
2. Everyone has the following fundamental freedoms:
It seems that this idea of democracy is lost on the Newfoundland and Labrador PC Party. Whether it be Danny Williams firing of a woman from a regional economic development committee for poking fun at the size of his manhood, or Premier Dunderdale's assault on bloggers as "naysayers" for their opposition to the Muskrat Falls project, the Newfoundland PC Party has been waging a war with its own citizens.
Now today we have a new case in point. Fisheries Minister King announced that the provincial government was immediately freezing any further funding to the FFAW (Fisherman's union) because, to quote him:
“And to be frank with you, as I see it in the fishery in Newfoundland and Labrador, you’re either part of the solution or you’re part of the problem. And I see the FFAW right now as part of the problem...The union has received nearly $1.3 million in grant money from the province over the past five years for things like research, seafood marketing and fisheries technology programs.
That ends now...We’re putting a freeze on any further funding of projects for the FFAW until I’m convinced through a personal review that the projects that we support are of value and benefit to the industry in Newfoundland and Labrador, and not just to the FFAW...It’s very, very tough to build a working relationship with a group that continues to criticize...The FFAW can either work with us or stand by the side. We’re going to move forward, and we’re going to make changes that we feel are in the best interests of the industry. But we’re not going to spend much more time, frankly, having public debates every chance Mr. McCurdy gets to bash government because he doesn’t like something that’s happening in the industry."
The full CBC story is here: http://soc.li/AWdK5lb
The Newfoundland government has become the poster boy for undemocratic actions in Canada. Already the PC spin doctors in the social media are getting the message out that the fisheries union deserves to be cut off its research funds as it should have never had them in the first place. While some may agree with that, it does not address the issue of freedom of speech. What it does reinforce is the government's position that freedom of speech is only welcome when it is convenient. That people in Newfoundland only have the right to oppose when the government allows it. To do otherwise is to put yourself up for scorn and/or retribution. Just today the Telegram did an editorial on the very topic of speaking out at your own risk http://tinyurl.com/78v8kl3 .
In a country such as Canada, and in a province such as Newfoundland and Labrador, freedom from government retribution should not even be a topic of discussion. It should be, if anything, a thing of the past that our children study in school. Yet, it continues to be the prevalent attitude of a provincial government that is located in a country that builds institutes to promote democracy around the world. The Newfoundland PC government makes the case that what Canada really needs is a civil rights law, as is the case in the United States, that would allow criminal prosecution for the violation of civil rights. Clearly, this is one government that can not be trusted with the responsibility of exercising power in a mature way, and respecting the rights of its residents. It is a blight on Canada's democratic reputation.
2. Everyone has the following fundamental freedoms:
- (a) freedom of conscience and religion;
- (b) freedom of thought, belief, opinion and expression, including freedom of the press and other media of communication;
- (c) freedom of peaceful assembly; and
- (d) freedom of association.
It seems that this idea of democracy is lost on the Newfoundland and Labrador PC Party. Whether it be Danny Williams firing of a woman from a regional economic development committee for poking fun at the size of his manhood, or Premier Dunderdale's assault on bloggers as "naysayers" for their opposition to the Muskrat Falls project, the Newfoundland PC Party has been waging a war with its own citizens.
Now today we have a new case in point. Fisheries Minister King announced that the provincial government was immediately freezing any further funding to the FFAW (Fisherman's union) because, to quote him:
“And to be frank with you, as I see it in the fishery in Newfoundland and Labrador, you’re either part of the solution or you’re part of the problem. And I see the FFAW right now as part of the problem...The union has received nearly $1.3 million in grant money from the province over the past five years for things like research, seafood marketing and fisheries technology programs.
That ends now...We’re putting a freeze on any further funding of projects for the FFAW until I’m convinced through a personal review that the projects that we support are of value and benefit to the industry in Newfoundland and Labrador, and not just to the FFAW...It’s very, very tough to build a working relationship with a group that continues to criticize...The FFAW can either work with us or stand by the side. We’re going to move forward, and we’re going to make changes that we feel are in the best interests of the industry. But we’re not going to spend much more time, frankly, having public debates every chance Mr. McCurdy gets to bash government because he doesn’t like something that’s happening in the industry."
The full CBC story is here: http://soc.li/AWdK5lb
The Newfoundland government has become the poster boy for undemocratic actions in Canada. Already the PC spin doctors in the social media are getting the message out that the fisheries union deserves to be cut off its research funds as it should have never had them in the first place. While some may agree with that, it does not address the issue of freedom of speech. What it does reinforce is the government's position that freedom of speech is only welcome when it is convenient. That people in Newfoundland only have the right to oppose when the government allows it. To do otherwise is to put yourself up for scorn and/or retribution. Just today the Telegram did an editorial on the very topic of speaking out at your own risk http://tinyurl.com/78v8kl3 .
In a country such as Canada, and in a province such as Newfoundland and Labrador, freedom from government retribution should not even be a topic of discussion. It should be, if anything, a thing of the past that our children study in school. Yet, it continues to be the prevalent attitude of a provincial government that is located in a country that builds institutes to promote democracy around the world. The Newfoundland PC government makes the case that what Canada really needs is a civil rights law, as is the case in the United States, that would allow criminal prosecution for the violation of civil rights. Clearly, this is one government that can not be trusted with the responsibility of exercising power in a mature way, and respecting the rights of its residents. It is a blight on Canada's democratic reputation.
Saturday, February 25, 2012
The Tri-colour Dam
Muskrat Falls is about one thing only - money. That's not unusual in business. What makes Muskrat Falls so different from most modern business proposals is the sell. The sell, of course, is aimed at the audience - in this case the people of Newfoundland and Labrador that will be expected to pay for this "business development". The medium for the sell is Newfoundland nationalism.
My great - great - grandfather arrived in Newfoundland from Ireland in the 1830's - along with many escaping the miseries of Irish life. His name was Micheal O'Meagre. He was from the same family as the man who created the Newfoundland tri-colour (old pinky) - Thomas O'Meagre. Thomas also created the Irish republican tri-colour. At that time it was a romantic notion that these nations would become republics in their own right. In Ireland's case that did become a reality. In Newfoundland's case it did not. Newfoundland went from being a British colony, to representative government, to financial default, to a province of Canada in 1949. Newfoundland was never a republic.
Yet, the tricolour can be found in many places in Newfoundland. Societies such as the "Smiling Land" foundation based in Toronto have it on their logo. When I asked Tim Powers, Newfoundland ex-patriot and VP of Summa, why his Smiling Land group had a republican flag on its logo he said:
"Smiling Land takes its name from the Ode to Newfoundland. That predates the current provincial flag. A connect with our history. "
Which would be fine except the question was:
"@powerstim Wondering why your Smiling Land group uses a republican flag on its emblem rather than the provincial flag? "
To the casual observer it would be an odd response to a specific question to Mr. Powers. However, the truth of the matter is Newfoundland nationalists wrap themselves in a faux history that eerily resembles the Irish blarney of their forefathers. Mr. Powers answer eludes to this: "..predates the current provincial flag."The tri-colour was never an official flag of Newfoundland at any time in it's 500 year history - never. Just like the rest of the rhetoric, the Newfoundland tri-colour never flew over Newfoundland. Never. It is the invention of a man that wished to see Newfoundland as an independent republic. Yet it is perpetuated as having some sort of historical, cultural relevance - which it does not.
Of course we've seen this in Canada before - Quebec. The "quiet revolution", and Quebec nationalization of industries. It really is no different. Quebec was never an independent country - let alone a republic. Yet, Quebec nationalists have perpetuated the myth of nationhood. They fought the federal government on every level, and an appeasing federal mentality allowed a narrow-minded nationalist movement to grow.
Adding to the Newfoundland nationalist mentality was the "humiliation" of having to become a province of Canada. You see Newfoundland only joined Canada after the "confederates" won a second referendum by about 7000 votes - the narrowest of margins. Even more telling was the fact that a massive majority in St.John's voted against joining Canada, while a massive majority in rural Newfoundland and Labrador voted to join Canada. Many historians attribute this vote result to the "Baymen" wanting to rid themselves of the "tyranny of the Townies". Over the years resentment about joining Canada by those opposed has taken on many different angles. Whether it be the devastation of fish stocks, or the lack of federal jobs. The sense that somehow Newfoundland has been wronged has become endemic in these circles.
Successive Newfoundland Premiers have perpetuated this myth through the years in an attempt, ironically so, to imitate the success Quebec nationalists have had winning concessions from Ottawa. This time around the spin is being used to sell Muskrat Falls. Whether it be Danny Williams:
“This is a day of great historic significance to Newfoundland and Labrador as we move forward with development of the Lower Churchill project, on our own terms and free of the geographic stranglehold of Quebec which has for too long determined the fate of the most attractive clean energy project in North America,”
Or the current Premier, in her attempt to marginalize former Premier Peckford's public criticism of Muskrat Falls:
"missive from afar...A debate that you have not been engaged in or public information sessions that you haven't participated in, it's difficult for me to deal with."
The message remains the same in Newfoundland nationalist circles: If you don't agree with where we are taking the province you are, to quote former Premier Williams, "traitors". The message is repeated over and over again to the public. Just as the Quebec government has perpetuated the myth amongst Quebecers over the last 40 years that Quebec can separate at any time, the Newfoundland nationalists perpetuate the myth that dissention equals disloyalty. Both are fallacies designed to achieve given ends. Both are a despicable abuse of public influence. In the old days we just called it as it was: propaganda. The latest battlefield of Newfoundland nationalism centres around Nalcor and Muskrat Falls. It won't be the last, and it isn't the first. The government's stated reasoning for the construction of Muskrat Falls is as phony as the tri-colour that they wrap it in.
My great - great - grandfather arrived in Newfoundland from Ireland in the 1830's - along with many escaping the miseries of Irish life. His name was Micheal O'Meagre. He was from the same family as the man who created the Newfoundland tri-colour (old pinky) - Thomas O'Meagre. Thomas also created the Irish republican tri-colour. At that time it was a romantic notion that these nations would become republics in their own right. In Ireland's case that did become a reality. In Newfoundland's case it did not. Newfoundland went from being a British colony, to representative government, to financial default, to a province of Canada in 1949. Newfoundland was never a republic.
Yet, the tricolour can be found in many places in Newfoundland. Societies such as the "Smiling Land" foundation based in Toronto have it on their logo. When I asked Tim Powers, Newfoundland ex-patriot and VP of Summa, why his Smiling Land group had a republican flag on its logo he said:
"Smiling Land takes its name from the Ode to Newfoundland. That predates the current provincial flag. A connect with our history. "
Which would be fine except the question was:
"@powerstim Wondering why your Smiling Land group uses a republican flag on its emblem rather than the provincial flag? "
To the casual observer it would be an odd response to a specific question to Mr. Powers. However, the truth of the matter is Newfoundland nationalists wrap themselves in a faux history that eerily resembles the Irish blarney of their forefathers. Mr. Powers answer eludes to this: "..predates the current provincial flag."The tri-colour was never an official flag of Newfoundland at any time in it's 500 year history - never. Just like the rest of the rhetoric, the Newfoundland tri-colour never flew over Newfoundland. Never. It is the invention of a man that wished to see Newfoundland as an independent republic. Yet it is perpetuated as having some sort of historical, cultural relevance - which it does not.
Of course we've seen this in Canada before - Quebec. The "quiet revolution", and Quebec nationalization of industries. It really is no different. Quebec was never an independent country - let alone a republic. Yet, Quebec nationalists have perpetuated the myth of nationhood. They fought the federal government on every level, and an appeasing federal mentality allowed a narrow-minded nationalist movement to grow.
Adding to the Newfoundland nationalist mentality was the "humiliation" of having to become a province of Canada. You see Newfoundland only joined Canada after the "confederates" won a second referendum by about 7000 votes - the narrowest of margins. Even more telling was the fact that a massive majority in St.John's voted against joining Canada, while a massive majority in rural Newfoundland and Labrador voted to join Canada. Many historians attribute this vote result to the "Baymen" wanting to rid themselves of the "tyranny of the Townies". Over the years resentment about joining Canada by those opposed has taken on many different angles. Whether it be the devastation of fish stocks, or the lack of federal jobs. The sense that somehow Newfoundland has been wronged has become endemic in these circles.
Successive Newfoundland Premiers have perpetuated this myth through the years in an attempt, ironically so, to imitate the success Quebec nationalists have had winning concessions from Ottawa. This time around the spin is being used to sell Muskrat Falls. Whether it be Danny Williams:
“This is a day of great historic significance to Newfoundland and Labrador as we move forward with development of the Lower Churchill project, on our own terms and free of the geographic stranglehold of Quebec which has for too long determined the fate of the most attractive clean energy project in North America,”
Or the current Premier, in her attempt to marginalize former Premier Peckford's public criticism of Muskrat Falls:
"missive from afar...A debate that you have not been engaged in or public information sessions that you haven't participated in, it's difficult for me to deal with."
The message remains the same in Newfoundland nationalist circles: If you don't agree with where we are taking the province you are, to quote former Premier Williams, "traitors". The message is repeated over and over again to the public. Just as the Quebec government has perpetuated the myth amongst Quebecers over the last 40 years that Quebec can separate at any time, the Newfoundland nationalists perpetuate the myth that dissention equals disloyalty. Both are fallacies designed to achieve given ends. Both are a despicable abuse of public influence. In the old days we just called it as it was: propaganda. The latest battlefield of Newfoundland nationalism centres around Nalcor and Muskrat Falls. It won't be the last, and it isn't the first. The government's stated reasoning for the construction of Muskrat Falls is as phony as the tri-colour that they wrap it in.
Monday, February 13, 2012
Danny Williams Fantasy Land
Bill Vander Zalm, former Premier
of British Columbia, had his entertainment park named Fantasy Land. Danny
Williams has his own development named Glencrest Development - Newfoundland's
own version of Fantasy Land.
Williams told the Telegram: “It’s something that I have been putting together for a good 15-plus years,” That would date it back to at least 1997. The Auditor General did an extensive study regarding the use of Crown lands, and the systemic problems with the administration of those lands. The study ended in September, 1999 http://tinyurl.com/7ltlgew . The study concluded many different problems with the lease, sale, and distribution of lands held by the Province - an estimated 95% of the Province's total land mass. Systemic issues surrounded record keeping, follow up on accounts receivable, numerous administrative gaps, and the value the land was being sold for.
The Auditor General's report sums up the change in land policy:
"Prior to 1996, the public could obtain a lease to occupy Crown land at an
established annual rate but normally title to the land remained with
Government. In 1996 Cabinet authorized the Minister of Government
Services and Lands to lease Crown land, with the exception of certain
lands, at 20% of the land value as determined by the Department over a
five year period with title to transfer to the lessee after the five years.
Cabinet also authorized the Minister to offer Crown lands to private
developers based on fair market value. The 1996 Budget Speech indicated
that the move to this new Market Value Pricing System, as well as a fee
increase, would generate approximately $6.2 million in additional
revenue for 1996/97. The Department projected additional revenues for
the five years ending 31 March 2001 at $15 million."
It further states:
"In response to this new
pricing policy, the Department commenced a
process of reviewing all existing
leases as the lease term expires with a
view to
converting these leases to grants within the next five to ten years.
The
Department established a pricing policy for residential leases for
$1,500 a
lot, and recreational cottage leases for $2,500 a lot or $3,000 for a
waterfront
lot. Lessees had to avail of this option by October of 1996 or
after
this date the lessee would be required to pay fair market value. Fair
market
values were determined based on such factors as selling of nearby
properties
and professional independent appraisals conducted mainly by
the
Municipal Assessment Agency and Departmental staff...
Since the new pricing policy came
into effect in 1996, a total of 177 commercial leases have been issued.
Commercial leases which exceed 20 hectares must be referred to Cabinet for
approval. There have been 6 commercial leases of this type since 1996 all of
which were approved by Cabinet."
Of course, the clincher in the Auditor General's Report was:
"The Department has also
developed several recreational cottage lot areas
since
1996. We were informed that pricing policies for recreational
cottage
lots are established at fair market value with a minimum price of
$2,500 a
lot or $3,000 for a waterfront lot plus development costs. The
Lands
Division could not readily provide us with a listing of cottage lot
developments
with the number of developed lots, status of lots, associated
costs and
revenues."
Contrast the Auditor General's comments in his study of land use policies, and the departments own established pricing guides for lots, to the price Danny Williams paid. The Business Post puts it like this:
"Williams obtained the first parcel,
some 557 hectares, in October 1998
for the sum of
$425,000. That works out to just over $300 an acre.
Another parcel of 44.6 hectares, or 110 acres, was conveyed to a numbered company owned by Williams called 10801 Nfld. Inc. for $64,030. That equates to $581 an acre and happened on November 5, 2003, just weeks after Williams led the Progressive Conservatives to his first majority victory in a fall election."
Another parcel of 44.6 hectares, or 110 acres, was conveyed to a numbered company owned by Williams called 10801 Nfld. Inc. for $64,030. That equates to $581 an acre and happened on November 5, 2003, just weeks after Williams led the Progressive Conservatives to his first majority victory in a fall election."
The obvious question
is how did Williams manage to purchase 601.6 hectares
of Crown land for an average of $329 an acre - not lot, acre. To put the
enormity of this deal in perspective, consider that even removing 50% of
the land for infrastructure use, the sale of this property today by individual
building lots alone could realize Williams $600 million dollars. That is quite
the profit in just over 12 years. Then there is his potential cut from
developer Kevin King.
The
answer to Williams getting approval of his land purchase was Brian Tobin. Brian
Tobin, Liberal Premier at the time, presided over the massive land grab - which
required Cabinet approval. On July 2, 1998 then Municipal Affairs Minister Ried
announced the sale. The Business Post contacted him recently for an interview
on the issue. He had this to say:
"That went to cabinet and I can’t say who did what or what the
procedure was, I have no idea. All I know was it came to cabinet and that’s
where it was approved. No minister at the time had the right to do that… You’d
never find yourself in a situation where you’d put yourself in a conflict like that. It was a
deal and the deal went through cabinet and it was sold to Danny Williams.”
Of course Williams has to get provincial approval to develop the land as it is over the 190 contour. Essentially, land this high requires special pumping systems for water and waste, because forced gravity systems do not function at this elevation. That is the reason why the province has banned such developments. However, as Williams himself noted, Mount Pearl and Paradise are both above these contours, so he doesn't expect any impediments to approval.
As if to reinforce that belief, St. John's Mayor Dennis O'Keefe states:
“The second meeting I came away again equally
confident that the amendment would be forthcoming and that there would
be development above the 190. Kevin (O'Brien) indicated to me he probably would
have to take it to cabinet because
it would be a change in policy and rather than sign off on the amendment
himself, which he had full rights to
do, that his preferred way of dealing with it would be to take it before
cabinet. And I said well that was fine, I
was quite happy with that, but I hoped that it would be done in time to allow
development toward the end of
March. And he felt, yeah that could be done and he would prepare a cabinet
paper on the issue very
quickly and bring it before cabinet and he felt that would be done in a timely
fashion to allow
developmentostart around the end of March."
Of course, in keeping with Newfoundland
politics, Mayor O'Keefe freely admitted he received political donations from
Williams old law firm, and Williams own son of over $10,000 for his mayorality
campaign. Even Kevin King chipped in as well.
In so far as the former Premier's war cry of "no more giveaways" of Newfoundland's natural resources goes, well, I guess that doesn't apply to Danny Williams' Fantasy Land.
Saturday, February 4, 2012
The Real Muskrat Falls - Conclusion
"All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing." Edmund Burke
The real truth about hydro power in Newfoundland and Labrador is it's not where it's needed. According to the Manitoba Hydro Report, just released, on the Muskrat Falls project fifty percent of the power consumed in Newfoundland and Labrador is residential in nature http://tinyurl.com/6q7hyns It is insightful, therefore, to know that this province is undergoing an aging tsunami like no other place in the western world has seen yet - but will.
During the period between 1985 to 1995 well over 150,000 Newfoundlanders under the age of 23 left the province. It created a massive hole in the demographics of the province, and it was inevitable that such a loss would reverberate in the future. The future is now. Using normal/average population loss/gain trends and a very optimistic birthrate of 1.3 Newfoundland and Labrador's population will decline to approximately 430,000 people within the next 19 years. If birthrates continue to decline, which is almost a certainty, the population could easily drop to 400,000 in the same period. Unfortunately, Nalcor has used population projections provided by the Newfoundland government that are nowhere near correct, and in fact show an ever growing population into the future.
Given the reality that the population will decline, as it must with such an exodus in the 1980's and 1990's, it is prudent to assume that residential power consumption will also decline - drastically. Also, given the fact that over 90% of the population lives on the island of Newfoundland, and not in mainland Labrador, that power consumption decline will be most radical in Newfoundland itself.
The strategic problem for Nalcor, and the provincial government, is that the island has a surplus of power generation capacity and declining consumption, while Labrador has a minor surplus but potentially exploding demand. In 2010 Nalcor negotiated an agreement with Hydro Quebec to "wheel" its recall power from the Upper Churchill to the US market place for five years, rather than use that power in Labrador where there is currently no overriding demand. In a possible rehearsal of the Muskrat Falls deal, Emera is receiving that power and selling it into the marketplace. The first quarter's results of this practice were large financial losses and Nalcor has not released any further numbers since.
The problem for the Newfoundland and Labrador government, like that of the Quebec government (ironically), is how to open up the northern areas of the province for key mining developments. Newfoundland has its Upper Churchill dam "captured" by Hydro Quebec until at least 2041, and will not negotiate with Hydro Quebec despite the fact Hydro Quebec had a surplus capacity of 5000MW of power in 2010. An obvious strategic alternative for the government of Newfoundland and Labrador would be to enter into a long term agreement, say to 2041, with Hydro Quebec to supply roughly 700-800 MW of power to future mining operations in Labrador. That would eliminate the need for the province to go into any further debt over hydro, and would establish the infrastructure for mining operations going into 2041 and the repatriation of the Upper Churchill to the province. Is it a case of cutting your nose off to spite your face?
Or is it a case of vested interest close to the government not making enough money personally off that kind of arrangement. As detailed, in previous parts to this series, political and business families interests have been interlinked between the development of Nalcor as a crown corporation, the development of the Lower Churchill, and development of the Labrador mining industry. In each and every case these individuals, regardless of political stripe (yet they are all very political), have become wealthy on this process. Whether it be through stock options, appointments to chairs of boards, or often secretive, but real non-competitive government contracts, these circles have managed to grossly enrich themselves. The kicker is it often, if not always, comes at the expense of the people of Newfoundland and Labrador.
The financing of the Muskrat Falls project will be no different. To be clear, I have requested Nalcor supply me with the proposed financing strategy for the project. They have refused. I requested the same information from Minister of Natural Resources Jerome Kennedy, and have been refused. So what I'm about to put together here is from the information known, the business practices of those involved, and the project itself.
In 2005, at the request of then Premier Danny Williams, and announced by his chosen Chair of Nalcor Dean MacDonald, the province requested Expressions of Interest (EOI) for development of the Lower Churchill. It accepted separate proposals for actual construction and financing of the project. Three proposals for financing were accepted for further scrutiny. Two were foreign based and one was Newfoundland based. That was the last we heard of it. There has been no further public release of information, despite the earlier releases. The internal Nalcor process for project decision making has past "Gateway 2", by which time a decision narrowing the project financing options was to have occurred - yet no public release of information.
Then in 2011/2012 we saw key players of Danny Williams, himself included, leave the government and Nalcor to become directly involved in Alderon's mining prospect Kami. The same Alderon that is 40% owned by Altius. The same Altius that had the one known funding proposal for the Lower Churchill that was based in Newfoundland. The same Alderon and Altius that accompanied Premier Dunderdale to China on a recent trade mission. The same Altius that required a bailout for its failed Newfoundland and Labrador Refining Corporation and then Premier Williams, and Natural Resources Minister Kathy Dunderdale, tried to get investors for in the Middle East - in person no less. You see the trend?
Some further political context can illustrate the self-interest, or perceived self-interest, that is rampant amongst Newfoundland's "ruling class". There is the case of Danny Williams' old law firm, which he was a founder and was, according to the Business Post, still listed as a creditor to, and at which he still has an office, being awarded an untendered contract to be a US law firm's Newfoundland representative in a multi-billion dollar lawsuit against tobacco corporations - potentially the largest by far legal action in Newfoundland's history. Then there was the case of Williams appointing John Ottenheimer as Nalcor's Chair despite the fact that Ottenheimer was related to the co-founder of the Ottenheimer and Baker law group - the same law group that is listed as having the Department of Natural Resources as a major client, and whose other co-founder is a principle of Altius. Yes, the same Altius that had a proposal to fund Muskrat Falls being scrutinized by Nalcor. Williams government also gave Dean MacDonald's company, Persona Communications, an untendered contract worth $15 million just prior to its sale. http://tinyurl.com/85j7x5w Yes, that's the same Dean MacDonald that Williams appointed to Nalcor, and the same one that left the job when former Premier Grimes tried to get an agreement with Hydro Quebec on the Lower Churchill. Now you can really start seeing the trend.
Williams and company are now officially a part of the team that likes to take its cut for expediting projects. Altius, The Exploration Group, Forbes and Manhattan all have a singular business practice in common: find the opportunity; provide initial seed capital; take it public; manage it to takeover; establish a percentage ongoing royalty; and leave. This is how I see the financing of Muskrat Falls happening.
Despite the fact that Altius, and the government of Newfoundland and Labrador, have kept the details of this financing proposal mostly secret, some particulars have been stated. Interestingly, in the official government press release and Nalcor's, no mention was made of the other two corporation's financing strategies http://tinyurl.com/7gm4wgb . Altius proposed, in their words, to create a Royalty Trust which would be non-competetive with those seeking to physically construct the project, and would guarantee them a 3% royalty on gross hydro sales of the Muskrat Falls project. One is left assuming, in the absence of disclosure by either Nalcor or the provincial government, that Altius' proposal is still on the table - the Royalty Trust.
A royalty trust is a type of corporation, mostly in the United States or Canada, usually involved in oil and gas production or mining. However, unlike most corporations, its profits are not taxed at the corporate level provided a certain high percentage (e.g. 90%) of profits are distributed to shareholders as dividends. The dividends are then taxed as personal income. This system, similar to real estate investment trusts, effectively avoids the double taxation of corporate income. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royalty_trust .
Judging from the high degree of self interest involved in this project, it is likely that a Royalty Trust would be established along the lines of the Pengrowth Energy Trust. Pengrowth had an unlimited number of trust units, essentially shares, that were divided into class A and B units. The difference between A and B shares was place of residency. While class A shares could be held by anyone residing in any part of the world, class B shares could only be owned by residents. There was a further stipulation that class A shares could never outnumber class B shares so that out of country interests could never control the trust fund. Another potential twist is the value of a trust solely based on revenue from Muskrat Falls. Given the amount of financing required to build Muskrat Falls it seems unlikely a trust formed for that purpose could raise the necessary cash. It would therefore not be surprising to see other assets added to the mix to boost such a trusts returns. Some definate candidates could be the equity positions the government of Newfoundland and Labrador has secured in the off shore.
This type of arrangement makes sense given the business practices of those pushing the project ahead. In each case that I have studied Altius, The Exploration Group, and Forbes and Manhattan's principles have taken a large share position personally, and in the interim corporately as well. Given that there is limited wealth in Newfoundland and Labrador amongst the general population, and a very small percentage of people that are informed on market economics, such an instrument is open for exploitation primarily by the few. As Danny Williams has said many times, with a grin: "It's such a good deal I would put my own money in if I could."
The real money to be made on a Royalty Trust though would be the 3% royalty on gross hydro sales. As an example, if the Muskrat Falls project were to produce, on average, $300 million per year over its 100 year lifetime the payout would be a staggering $900 million. That's $9 million per year of guaranteed revenue for a corporation like Altius to use elsewhere in leveraging further assets. That is more than they make on Voise's Bay - which will not last 50 years.
The bottom line is some people in Newfoundland stand to make a lot of money, and continue to effect the governance of the province. Those that will be paying the bill on the island of Newfoundland won't be so lucky. The real kicker is power prices in Labrador are a third of the prices in Newfoundland. That means that Muskrat Falls power will be subsidized heavily by people who will see no ongoing benefit from it - like the Upper Churchill. Quebec's Plan Nord appears to be shaping up in similar terms. The real tragedy of the real Muskrat Falls story isn't the insiders who are aiming to win, or even the massive debt that will be incurred for the project and the mines. No the tragedy of the real Muskrat Falls is that the people of Newfoundland and Labrador are being sold a bill of goods by insiders who could care less about their own, and being led down the garden path by the pied pipers of Newfoundland and Labrador. That is the real tragedy.
The real truth about hydro power in Newfoundland and Labrador is it's not where it's needed. According to the Manitoba Hydro Report, just released, on the Muskrat Falls project fifty percent of the power consumed in Newfoundland and Labrador is residential in nature http://tinyurl.com/6q7hyns It is insightful, therefore, to know that this province is undergoing an aging tsunami like no other place in the western world has seen yet - but will.
During the period between 1985 to 1995 well over 150,000 Newfoundlanders under the age of 23 left the province. It created a massive hole in the demographics of the province, and it was inevitable that such a loss would reverberate in the future. The future is now. Using normal/average population loss/gain trends and a very optimistic birthrate of 1.3 Newfoundland and Labrador's population will decline to approximately 430,000 people within the next 19 years. If birthrates continue to decline, which is almost a certainty, the population could easily drop to 400,000 in the same period. Unfortunately, Nalcor has used population projections provided by the Newfoundland government that are nowhere near correct, and in fact show an ever growing population into the future.
Given the reality that the population will decline, as it must with such an exodus in the 1980's and 1990's, it is prudent to assume that residential power consumption will also decline - drastically. Also, given the fact that over 90% of the population lives on the island of Newfoundland, and not in mainland Labrador, that power consumption decline will be most radical in Newfoundland itself.
The strategic problem for Nalcor, and the provincial government, is that the island has a surplus of power generation capacity and declining consumption, while Labrador has a minor surplus but potentially exploding demand. In 2010 Nalcor negotiated an agreement with Hydro Quebec to "wheel" its recall power from the Upper Churchill to the US market place for five years, rather than use that power in Labrador where there is currently no overriding demand. In a possible rehearsal of the Muskrat Falls deal, Emera is receiving that power and selling it into the marketplace. The first quarter's results of this practice were large financial losses and Nalcor has not released any further numbers since.
The problem for the Newfoundland and Labrador government, like that of the Quebec government (ironically), is how to open up the northern areas of the province for key mining developments. Newfoundland has its Upper Churchill dam "captured" by Hydro Quebec until at least 2041, and will not negotiate with Hydro Quebec despite the fact Hydro Quebec had a surplus capacity of 5000MW of power in 2010. An obvious strategic alternative for the government of Newfoundland and Labrador would be to enter into a long term agreement, say to 2041, with Hydro Quebec to supply roughly 700-800 MW of power to future mining operations in Labrador. That would eliminate the need for the province to go into any further debt over hydro, and would establish the infrastructure for mining operations going into 2041 and the repatriation of the Upper Churchill to the province. Is it a case of cutting your nose off to spite your face?
Or is it a case of vested interest close to the government not making enough money personally off that kind of arrangement. As detailed, in previous parts to this series, political and business families interests have been interlinked between the development of Nalcor as a crown corporation, the development of the Lower Churchill, and development of the Labrador mining industry. In each and every case these individuals, regardless of political stripe (yet they are all very political), have become wealthy on this process. Whether it be through stock options, appointments to chairs of boards, or often secretive, but real non-competitive government contracts, these circles have managed to grossly enrich themselves. The kicker is it often, if not always, comes at the expense of the people of Newfoundland and Labrador.
The financing of the Muskrat Falls project will be no different. To be clear, I have requested Nalcor supply me with the proposed financing strategy for the project. They have refused. I requested the same information from Minister of Natural Resources Jerome Kennedy, and have been refused. So what I'm about to put together here is from the information known, the business practices of those involved, and the project itself.
In 2005, at the request of then Premier Danny Williams, and announced by his chosen Chair of Nalcor Dean MacDonald, the province requested Expressions of Interest (EOI) for development of the Lower Churchill. It accepted separate proposals for actual construction and financing of the project. Three proposals for financing were accepted for further scrutiny. Two were foreign based and one was Newfoundland based. That was the last we heard of it. There has been no further public release of information, despite the earlier releases. The internal Nalcor process for project decision making has past "Gateway 2", by which time a decision narrowing the project financing options was to have occurred - yet no public release of information.
Then in 2011/2012 we saw key players of Danny Williams, himself included, leave the government and Nalcor to become directly involved in Alderon's mining prospect Kami. The same Alderon that is 40% owned by Altius. The same Altius that had the one known funding proposal for the Lower Churchill that was based in Newfoundland. The same Alderon and Altius that accompanied Premier Dunderdale to China on a recent trade mission. The same Altius that required a bailout for its failed Newfoundland and Labrador Refining Corporation and then Premier Williams, and Natural Resources Minister Kathy Dunderdale, tried to get investors for in the Middle East - in person no less. You see the trend?
Some further political context can illustrate the self-interest, or perceived self-interest, that is rampant amongst Newfoundland's "ruling class". There is the case of Danny Williams' old law firm, which he was a founder and was, according to the Business Post, still listed as a creditor to, and at which he still has an office, being awarded an untendered contract to be a US law firm's Newfoundland representative in a multi-billion dollar lawsuit against tobacco corporations - potentially the largest by far legal action in Newfoundland's history. Then there was the case of Williams appointing John Ottenheimer as Nalcor's Chair despite the fact that Ottenheimer was related to the co-founder of the Ottenheimer and Baker law group - the same law group that is listed as having the Department of Natural Resources as a major client, and whose other co-founder is a principle of Altius. Yes, the same Altius that had a proposal to fund Muskrat Falls being scrutinized by Nalcor. Williams government also gave Dean MacDonald's company, Persona Communications, an untendered contract worth $15 million just prior to its sale. http://tinyurl.com/85j7x5w Yes, that's the same Dean MacDonald that Williams appointed to Nalcor, and the same one that left the job when former Premier Grimes tried to get an agreement with Hydro Quebec on the Lower Churchill. Now you can really start seeing the trend.
Williams and company are now officially a part of the team that likes to take its cut for expediting projects. Altius, The Exploration Group, Forbes and Manhattan all have a singular business practice in common: find the opportunity; provide initial seed capital; take it public; manage it to takeover; establish a percentage ongoing royalty; and leave. This is how I see the financing of Muskrat Falls happening.
Despite the fact that Altius, and the government of Newfoundland and Labrador, have kept the details of this financing proposal mostly secret, some particulars have been stated. Interestingly, in the official government press release and Nalcor's, no mention was made of the other two corporation's financing strategies http://tinyurl.com/7gm4wgb . Altius proposed, in their words, to create a Royalty Trust which would be non-competetive with those seeking to physically construct the project, and would guarantee them a 3% royalty on gross hydro sales of the Muskrat Falls project. One is left assuming, in the absence of disclosure by either Nalcor or the provincial government, that Altius' proposal is still on the table - the Royalty Trust.
A royalty trust is a type of corporation, mostly in the United States or Canada, usually involved in oil and gas production or mining. However, unlike most corporations, its profits are not taxed at the corporate level provided a certain high percentage (e.g. 90%) of profits are distributed to shareholders as dividends. The dividends are then taxed as personal income. This system, similar to real estate investment trusts, effectively avoids the double taxation of corporate income. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royalty_trust .
Judging from the high degree of self interest involved in this project, it is likely that a Royalty Trust would be established along the lines of the Pengrowth Energy Trust. Pengrowth had an unlimited number of trust units, essentially shares, that were divided into class A and B units. The difference between A and B shares was place of residency. While class A shares could be held by anyone residing in any part of the world, class B shares could only be owned by residents. There was a further stipulation that class A shares could never outnumber class B shares so that out of country interests could never control the trust fund. Another potential twist is the value of a trust solely based on revenue from Muskrat Falls. Given the amount of financing required to build Muskrat Falls it seems unlikely a trust formed for that purpose could raise the necessary cash. It would therefore not be surprising to see other assets added to the mix to boost such a trusts returns. Some definate candidates could be the equity positions the government of Newfoundland and Labrador has secured in the off shore.
This type of arrangement makes sense given the business practices of those pushing the project ahead. In each case that I have studied Altius, The Exploration Group, and Forbes and Manhattan's principles have taken a large share position personally, and in the interim corporately as well. Given that there is limited wealth in Newfoundland and Labrador amongst the general population, and a very small percentage of people that are informed on market economics, such an instrument is open for exploitation primarily by the few. As Danny Williams has said many times, with a grin: "It's such a good deal I would put my own money in if I could."
The real money to be made on a Royalty Trust though would be the 3% royalty on gross hydro sales. As an example, if the Muskrat Falls project were to produce, on average, $300 million per year over its 100 year lifetime the payout would be a staggering $900 million. That's $9 million per year of guaranteed revenue for a corporation like Altius to use elsewhere in leveraging further assets. That is more than they make on Voise's Bay - which will not last 50 years.
The bottom line is some people in Newfoundland stand to make a lot of money, and continue to effect the governance of the province. Those that will be paying the bill on the island of Newfoundland won't be so lucky. The real kicker is power prices in Labrador are a third of the prices in Newfoundland. That means that Muskrat Falls power will be subsidized heavily by people who will see no ongoing benefit from it - like the Upper Churchill. Quebec's Plan Nord appears to be shaping up in similar terms. The real tragedy of the real Muskrat Falls story isn't the insiders who are aiming to win, or even the massive debt that will be incurred for the project and the mines. No the tragedy of the real Muskrat Falls is that the people of Newfoundland and Labrador are being sold a bill of goods by insiders who could care less about their own, and being led down the garden path by the pied pipers of Newfoundland and Labrador. That is the real tragedy.
Friday, January 27, 2012
The Real Muskrat Falls - Part 3
One phrase: Mines for a Dam. Two words: Twin Falls. Twin Falls are waterfalls located on the Unknown River, Labrador. During the 1950's British Newfoundland Development Corporation (Brinco) had the power development rights on the river. In partnership with Wabush Mines Limited and the Iron Ore Company of Canada, the two mining corporations operating in Western Labrador, Brinco created the Twin Falls Power Corporation to deliver power 115 miles (185 km) west to the two mining operations being developed near the Labrador-Quebec border.
When the dam was finished in 1963, the station had a total capacity of 225 MW with two 115-mile (185 km) long transmission lines at 230,000 volts (or 230 kV), with remote switching at the far end from the station. Twin Falls power was essential to the later power development at Churchill Falls. It helped open up the area and supplied the power required during the construction phase of the project. So a 225 MW dam was built to essentially run two iron ore mines, and infrastructure. Curiously, Brinco was also the corporation that signed the much lamented 1969 Power Contract with Hydro Quebec for the Upper Churchill.
Fast forward almost 50 years, and here we are again - building a dam for mining. Today there are 17 some mines being developed in the Labrador Trough. A few American. A few European. One Brazilian. Two Indian. The remaining six or so Chinese. Its a virtual microcosm of the developing world's strangle hold on the New World financial order of things. The problem for the developers, read juniors and their merchant backers, is the lack of necessary infrastructure to convert promising mining deposits to full scale operations in their own right.
Traditionally, in Newfoundland and Labrador, private businesses have to arrange their own power for such activities as mining. The Twin Falls dam is one example, but there are many others. The problem with that approach for the developers is it adds a massive cost onto the bottom line of each tonne of ore mined, and makes the mining of these deposits unprofitable. That was Credit Suisse's analysis as well when they did a direct comparison to Consolidated Thompson's mine and the developing Kami project which is owned by Alderon http://tinyurl.com/79ey28b . Yes, the same Alderon that has Danny Williams as its "special advisor" to the Chairman of the Board. Credit Suisse essentially says that Alderon- and you could put all the mines developing in Labrador on the same page- is an attractive deposit but lacks the necessary infrastructure to make it profitable. Therefore, they rate it as "speculative".
Alderon is a good example of what is happening with the mines in Labrador, and their connection to the Muskrat Falls development. For starters, here is a look at the insiders who have an ownership interest in Alderon Iron Corp from SEDI, System for Electronic Disclosure by Insiders, Listed Below. Now have a look at the insider report on ownership for Altius, which sold its rights to the Kami project to Alderon for a roughly 40% stake in Alderon Iron Corp, Listed below .
The first thing you are likely to notice is that Altius' directors have their own interest in Alderon - apart from Altius' corporate share of Alderon's ownership. You will also recognize names there from both the Progressive Conservative Party and Liberal Party of Newfoundland. You will notice the recent purchase by Liberty of Alderon shares for $40 million, which will allow the Kami project to be further developed. You will notice the shares held by Mark Morabito - a large number of shares. Mr Morabito is the Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of The Exploration Group, a privately held company headquartered in Vancouver. If you check the Exploration Group's web site you will notice it lists Alderon as one of its companies. Mr. Morabito also sits on the Board of Alderon as its Executive Chairman.
You will also find a gentleman by the name of Stan Bharti as Vice Chairman of Alderon. In reality, Stan Bharti runs the privately owned Forbes and Manhattan Group. A Toronto-based merchant bank specializing in identifying resource projects around the world, providing them with seed capital, taking them public, often arranging foreign capital acquisition of them, and then getting out. Mr. Bharti is a world class player, and his Advisory Board backs that up : General John Abizaid (ret) US Army; General Jay Garner (ret) US Army; General Ron Hite (ret) US Army; General Lewis MacKenzie (ret) Canadian Army; General Sir Michael Rose (ret) British Army (SAS); Larry King (ret) US entertainment legend; Hon Pierre Pettigrew (ret) Canadian Federal Liberal politician; Bernard Wilson; and Peter Boot.
In reality, Forbes and Manhattan appear to run The Exploration Group, which in turn runs Alderon. As an example, the press release announcing Danny Williams appointment to Alderon's Board listed a Toronto office that in reality is the office of Black Iron Inc, a subsidiary of Forbes and Manhattan. Its Vancouver office is in fact the corporate office of The Exploration Group. You get the idea. These companies are one and the same. The bottom line to these gents is "increasing shareholder value". In this case, as there are no shareholders in The Exploration Group and Forbes and Manhattan, they mean "increase the share value so we can make an astronomical return when it gets off the ground." Fair enough. That is what business is about, and the gents at Forbes and Manhattan are doing it all over the world.
What is interesting on the Newfoundland and Labrador level is the politicization of Alderon's management team. I was present at the October PC convention when Danny Williams took the stage to give an emotional presentation on the service of one Garry Norris. He let it be known that Norris was the go to guy for any research or any problem, and that he had served the Party well over the years. Williams let it be known then that Norris was leaving public service and gave him a present from the Party for his service. Norris' retirement was officially announced on November 30, 2010 and took effect on December 3, 2010 - the same day as Danny Williams last day in office. Norris was Deputy Clerk of Executive Council under Brian Tobin and Clerk under Beaton Tulk. Roger Grimes removed him from that position when he became Premier. Norris took on the position of Executive VP of Government and Community Affairs at Alderon effective July 4, 2011 - barely 6 months after retiring from the government. Three days later he is registered as holding 250,000 options/shares in Alderon at a value today of over $800,000.00.
The same announcement from Alderon appointed Todd Burlingame as Executive VP for Environment and Aboriginal Affairs. He also received the 250,000 share handshake two days after he signed on. His duties are described in the release: "Mr. Burlingame will be responsible for all environmental permitting aspects to develop the Kamistiatusset (”Kami”) Project through to production, including acquiring all required environmental approvals. He will also have a lead role in Aboriginal Relations." Just so happens that Burlingame's previous position, that he left to take this one, was Manager of Environment and Aboriginal Affairs with Nalcor.
The Board at Alderon is really reflective of what is at work in Labrador. We've already covered the real power behind the group - Stan Bharti. We have covered his head of The Exploration Group - Mark Morabito. You have Matt Simpson who also doubles as Forbes and Manhattans man in Toronto heading Black Iron Inc, and who is working with the famous Larry King on a mine in the Ukraine (Maybe that's how Danny Williams got that spot on the Larry King show). There is Bruce Humphrey who is a Forbes/Exploration Group man and sits on several of its subsidiaries boards - including Cross Hair Exploration and Minerals which is currently developing an uranium project in Labrador (the
Nunatsiavut Assembly just lifted a ban on uranium exploration there). There is Brad Boland who was Brian Tobin's right hand man at Consolidated Thompson. Then of course there is Brian Dalton and John Baker from Altius. That is the same Dalton and Baker that headed the failed Newfoundland and Labrador Refining Corporation. The same two that were involved in Aurora Energy that is also developing a uranium property in Labrador. The same John Baker that owns Ottenheimer and Baker that has the Newfoundland and Labrador Department of Natural Resources as its key client.
That brings us to the Board's latest addition - Danny Williams. The Danny Williams that went to the Middle East with Kathy Dunderdale to try and get investors to bail out Dalton and Baker's Refining Corp. The same Williams that placed MacDonald as Chair of Nalcor. The same Williams that while in office refused to do a deal with Hydro Quebec on the Lower Churchill, but endorsed Altius' bid to fund it as one of three. The boss of Kathy Dunderdale, who as the new Premier took a trade mission to China to promote junior mining companies. Three of those should sound familiar: Alderon; Altius; and Century. Knowing the players one big question remains: Why do they need Danny Williams as a "Special Advisor" to the Chair? The Forbes and Manhattan/Exploration Group really needs special advice from Danny Williams? Is Danny part of the deal? Hard to say with a public company that sells shares to anyone on the exchange. Surely it's not a political necessity to have the former Premier on the Board. There is his connection to the Muskrat Falls deal. They do need the power. He does have business connections in St. John's, but do they really need him?
The truth is Forbes and Manhattan has done something similar to this before - except it was with former Liberal Premier Brian Tobin. In 2005 Stan Bharti and a group of investors raised a private placement of $1 million to get then Thompson Consolidated - Lundmark Gold Mines off the ground. Mr. Bharti then took over briefly as President. Despite Brian Tobin's recent comments that his old political contacts in China saved the mines bacon http://tinyurl.com/6n5h77n it was a determined effort by Bharti's Forbes and Manhattan Group that kept the struggling company alive. They outline this as one of their accomplishments:


Consolidated Thompson Iron Mines
(Created)
In 2006 Tobin was appointed as the Chair of Thompson Consolidated. He had previously served on a number of boards including Dean MacDonald's Persona Communications, and Canadian Imperial Ventures - a Danny Williams interest. Bernard Wilson was appointed to Thompson Consolidated's Board at the same time. When WISCO (China) invested over $200 million in the corporation Bharti and Bruce Humphrey stepped down from its Board and Chief Financial Officer Brad Boland resigned his position as well. If you check the team at Alderon you will see these three gentlemen now play key roles in this corporation.
The three big problems holding back mining development in Labrador have been power, rail, and ports. In 2010 the rail question was answered to some extent by the completion of the Bloom Lake Railway. A creation of Thompson Consolidated the $100 million railway was described by Tobin: "We have developed our infrastructure, in this case the railway, and we said from the get-go, 'this railway will be available to other users if and when other mining projects are brought to reality.'" Of course the railway is now owned by US based Cliff Resources, and operated by long term agreement with US based Genesee and Wyoming. There remains considerable debate regarding the ability of Quebec's ports to handle projected iron ore originating in Labrador and shipping to Asia and/or Europe.
The power part of the equation is still in question.
ALDERON INSIDERS
Insider Information by Issuer - View Results
Issuer name : alderon ( Starts with )
Date range : January 1, 1995 - January 27, 2012
2012-01-27 22:40 ET
Issuer Name: Alderon Iron Ore Corp.
Legend: Insider's Relationship to Issuer: 1 - Issuer, 2 - Subsidiary of Issuer, 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer, 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer, 6 - Director
or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder, 7 - Director or Senior Officer of Insider or Subsidiary of Issuer (other than in 4,5,6), 8 - Deemed Insider - 6 Months before
becoming Insider.
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2009-12-08
Algie, Anita Young
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2006-12-30 Common Shares 88,000
2006-01-25 Options (Common Shares) 50,000 50,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Altius Minerals Corporation
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2010-12-15 Common Shares 2260761 Ontario Inc. 584,000
2011-02-11 Common Shares Altius Resources Inc. 0
2010-12-15 Warrants (Warrants) 2260761 Ontario Inc. 150,000 150,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Altius Resources Inc.
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
-1-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
2011-02-11 Common Shares Altius Investments
Limited
32,285,006
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Amisano, Terry Michael
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2003-11-14 Common Shares 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2011-11-28
Atwal, Sonya
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-09-16 Common Shares 25,000
2010-12-29 Options (Common Shares) 120,000 120,000
2011-05-24 OTC Calls (including Private
Options to Purchase) (Common
Shares)
0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2005-04-29
Bachman, Richard Lynn
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2004-02-05 Common Shares 840,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Baker, John
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer, 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 400,000 400,000
-2-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Bharti, Stan
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2011-12-20 Common Shares FORBES &
MANHATTAN
2,100,000
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 900,000 900,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Boland, Brad James
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2010-03-03 Common Shares 250,000
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 300,000 300,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Burlingame, Todd
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-06-13 Common Shares 0
2011-06-13 Options (Common Shares) 250,000 250,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Dalton, Brian
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer, 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 400,000 400,000
-3-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2009-09-22
Doctors Investment Group Ltd.
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2009-12-04 Common Shares 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Dunn, Christopher Noel
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2012-01-13 Common Shares 0
2012-01-13 Options (Common Shares) 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2010-03-03
Durno, Jeff
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2010-02-16 Subscription Rights (Common
Shares)
Natgar Capital Corp. 20,500 20,500
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Eldem, Tayfun
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-09-07 Common Shares 0
2011-09-07 Options (Common Shares) 1,000,000 1,000,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2010-03-03
Emprise Capital Corporation
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2009-11-25 Common Shares 3,500,000
-4-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2010-12-13
Gleeson, Patrick James
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2010-03-03 Common Shares 250,000
2010-11-08 Options (Common Shares) 200,000 200,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2004-02-09
Hanson, Kevin R.
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2004-02-09 Common Shares 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Humphrey, Raymond Bruce
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2010-03-03 Common Shares 500,000
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 500,000 500,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Jardine, Gerald Levelle
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer, 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2004-02-09 Common Shares 6,730
-5-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2008-01-01
Kowalchuk, John
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2006-01-25 Options (Common Shares) 50,000 50,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Lawson, Edward Martin
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2006-09-05 Common Shares 359,312
2006-04-28 Common Shares Minera Sucunduri 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Lewis, Benjamin Gerard
Insider Relationship: 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2011-02-04 Common Shares 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Liberty Metals & Mining Holdings, LLC
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2012-01-13 Common Shares 14,981,273
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Marcotte, Simon
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2010-12-13 Common Shares 101,000
2010-12-29 Options (Common Shares) 325,000 201,000
-6-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2009-12-08
Mohammed, Reza Ahmed
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2008-01-10 Common Shares 610,000
2005-11-09 Common Shares Tellford Management
Ltd.
267,500
2006-01-25 Options (Common Shares) 420,000 420,000 420,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Morabito, Mark Joseph
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2012-01-26 Common Shares 3,095,000
2010-11-01 Common Shares Morabito Family Trust 0
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 900,000 900,000
2012-01-26 OTC Puts (including Private
Options to Sell) Common Shares
(Common Shares)
-425,000 -425,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Norris, Gary
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-07-04 Common Shares 0
2011-07-04 Options (Common Shares) 250,000 250,000
-7-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Paine, Sheila Margaret
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2012-01-27 Common Shares 0
2012-01-26 Options (Common Shares) 100,000 100,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2011-12-01
Penney, Brian
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-05-07 Common Shares 0
2011-10-03 Options (Common Shares) 500,000 500,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2010-12-13
PONTIUS, Jeffrey A.
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2010-03-03 Common Shares 200,000
2010-11-08 Options (Common Shares) 200,000 200,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Porter, David James
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 300,000 300,000
-8-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Potvin, Bernard
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-11-14 Common Shares 0
2011-11-14 Options (Common Shares) 250,000 250,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Santorelli, Keith
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-11-28 Common Shares 0
2011-11-28 Options (Common Shares) 300,000 300,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2005-03-04
Schellenberg, Gary David Albert
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Sherk, Susan Bradley
Insider Relationship: 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2010-12-09 Common Shares 460
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Simpson, Matthew James
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2010-09-20 Common Shares 0
-9-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
2010-12-29 Options (Common Shares) 550,000 550,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Strauss, James Digby Ronald
Insider Relationship: 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2011-02-10 Common Shares 20,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2005-03-01
Torresan, Raymond
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2004-02-16 Common Shares Threefold Ventures
Inc.
10,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Tough, Thomas Robert
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Warr, Donald James
Insider Relationship: 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2011-12-16 Common Shares 39,000
2011-09-22 Common Shares Spousal RRSP 15,000
-10-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Wells, Chad
Insider Relationship: 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2011-04-07 Common Shares 35,000
2010-12-08 Common Shares RESP 3,500
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Winter, Stephen Lawrence
Insider Relationship: 8 - Deemed Insider - 6 Months before becoming Insider
2011-10-05 Common Shares 42,000
2011-10-05 Common Shares Spousal 2,800
ALTIUS INSIDERS
Insider Information by Issuer - View Results
Issuer name : altius ( Starts with )
Date range : January 1, 1995 - January 27, 2012
2012-01-27 22:58 ET
Issuer Name: Altius Minerals Corporation
Legend: Insider's Relationship to Issuer: 1 - Issuer, 2 - Subsidiary of Issuer, 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer, 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer, 6 - Director
or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder, 7 - Director or Senior Officer of Insider or Subsidiary of Issuer (other than in 4,5,6), 8 - Deemed Insider - 6 Months before
becoming Insider.
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Altius Investments Limited
Insider Relationship: 2 - Subsidiary of Issuer
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Altius Minerals Corporation
Insider Relationship: 1 - Issuer
2012-01-24 Common Shares 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Baker, John
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2011-08-24 Common Shares 515,300
2011-08-24 Common Shares Brightsun Holdings
Inc.
50,000
2011-08-24 Options (Common Shares) 62,500 62,500
2011-10-13 Rights DSUs (Rights) 9,069 9,069
-1-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2010-03-18
Butler, Roland Wayne
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2010-01-15 Common Shares 735,450
2003-06-03 Common Shares Lauren Exploration
Ltd.
250,000
2009-12-08 Options (Common Shares) 250,000 250,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Dalton, Brian
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-09-14 Common Shares 968,073
2003-01-02 Common Shares 10587 Newfoundland.
Ltd.
250,000
2005-04-07 Common Shares RRSP Account 177,702
2011-09-14 Options (Common Shares) 125,000 125,000
2010-09-21 SARs (cash) 250,000 250,000
2005-06-28 Warrants (Common Shares) 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2004-08-31
David W. Tice & Associates, LLC
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2004-08-31 Common Shares Prudent Bear Fund 1,894,700
2003-07-14 Warrants (Common Shares) Prudent Bear Fund 578,500 578,500
-2-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Lewis, Benjamin Gerard
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-09-07 Common Shares 10,000
2009-10-09 Common Shares RRSP 3,050
2011-09-07 Common Shares Spousal Account 18,000
2011-09-07 Options (Common Shares) 75,000 75,000
2010-09-21 Rights SARs (Rights) 150,000 150,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Mifflin, Frederick James
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2011-11-28 Common Shares 15,716
2011-11-28 Options (Common Shares) 62,500 62,500
2011-10-13 Rights DSUs (Rights) 9,069 9,069
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Sherk, Susan Bradley
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2011-11-28 Common Shares 9,029
2011-11-28 Options (Common Shares) 47,500 47,500
2011-10-13 Rights DSUs (Rights) 9,069 9,069
-3-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Strauss, James Digby Ronald
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2010-10-27 Common Shares 24,340
2011-10-13 Rights DSUs (Rights) 6,776 6,776
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2010-10-27
Thurlow, John Geoffrey
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2010-10-12 Common Shares 15,640
2010-09-17 Common Shares Bacchus Holdings Inc. 1,163,512
2010-09-20 Options (Common Shares) 87,500 87,500
2004-10-07 Warrants (Common Shares) 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2004-01-01
Tognetti, John
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2003-07-15 Common Shares -9,400
2003-06-27 Common Shares noelle tognetti 1,465,000
-4-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Warr, Donald James
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2011-11-28 Common Shares 84,816
2008-10-29 Common Shares RSP 8,900
2011-11-28 Options (Common Shares) 62,500 62,500
2011-10-13 Rights DSUs (Rights) 9,069 9,069
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Wells, Chad
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-11-28 Common Shares 43,500
2010-02-26 Common Shares RRSP 34,900
2011-11-28 Options (Common Shares) 75,000 75,000
2010-09-21 Rights SARs (Rights) 150,000 150,000
2005-07-10 Warrants (Common Shares) 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Winter, Stephen Lawrence
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-08-09 Common Shares 30,000
2011-08-09 Common Shares RRSP Account 2,100
2011-08-08 Options (Common Shares) 75,000 75,000
-5-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
2010-09-21 Rights SARs (Rights) 150,000 150,000
-6-
When the dam was finished in 1963, the station had a total capacity of 225 MW with two 115-mile (185 km) long transmission lines at 230,000 volts (or 230 kV), with remote switching at the far end from the station. Twin Falls power was essential to the later power development at Churchill Falls. It helped open up the area and supplied the power required during the construction phase of the project. So a 225 MW dam was built to essentially run two iron ore mines, and infrastructure. Curiously, Brinco was also the corporation that signed the much lamented 1969 Power Contract with Hydro Quebec for the Upper Churchill.
Fast forward almost 50 years, and here we are again - building a dam for mining. Today there are 17 some mines being developed in the Labrador Trough. A few American. A few European. One Brazilian. Two Indian. The remaining six or so Chinese. Its a virtual microcosm of the developing world's strangle hold on the New World financial order of things. The problem for the developers, read juniors and their merchant backers, is the lack of necessary infrastructure to convert promising mining deposits to full scale operations in their own right.
Traditionally, in Newfoundland and Labrador, private businesses have to arrange their own power for such activities as mining. The Twin Falls dam is one example, but there are many others. The problem with that approach for the developers is it adds a massive cost onto the bottom line of each tonne of ore mined, and makes the mining of these deposits unprofitable. That was Credit Suisse's analysis as well when they did a direct comparison to Consolidated Thompson's mine and the developing Kami project which is owned by Alderon http://tinyurl.com/79ey28b . Yes, the same Alderon that has Danny Williams as its "special advisor" to the Chairman of the Board. Credit Suisse essentially says that Alderon- and you could put all the mines developing in Labrador on the same page- is an attractive deposit but lacks the necessary infrastructure to make it profitable. Therefore, they rate it as "speculative".
Alderon is a good example of what is happening with the mines in Labrador, and their connection to the Muskrat Falls development. For starters, here is a look at the insiders who have an ownership interest in Alderon Iron Corp from SEDI, System for Electronic Disclosure by Insiders, Listed Below. Now have a look at the insider report on ownership for Altius, which sold its rights to the Kami project to Alderon for a roughly 40% stake in Alderon Iron Corp, Listed below .
The first thing you are likely to notice is that Altius' directors have their own interest in Alderon - apart from Altius' corporate share of Alderon's ownership. You will also recognize names there from both the Progressive Conservative Party and Liberal Party of Newfoundland. You will notice the recent purchase by Liberty of Alderon shares for $40 million, which will allow the Kami project to be further developed. You will notice the shares held by Mark Morabito - a large number of shares. Mr Morabito is the Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of The Exploration Group, a privately held company headquartered in Vancouver. If you check the Exploration Group's web site you will notice it lists Alderon as one of its companies. Mr. Morabito also sits on the Board of Alderon as its Executive Chairman.
You will also find a gentleman by the name of Stan Bharti as Vice Chairman of Alderon. In reality, Stan Bharti runs the privately owned Forbes and Manhattan Group. A Toronto-based merchant bank specializing in identifying resource projects around the world, providing them with seed capital, taking them public, often arranging foreign capital acquisition of them, and then getting out. Mr. Bharti is a world class player, and his Advisory Board backs that up : General John Abizaid (ret) US Army; General Jay Garner (ret) US Army; General Ron Hite (ret) US Army; General Lewis MacKenzie (ret) Canadian Army; General Sir Michael Rose (ret) British Army (SAS); Larry King (ret) US entertainment legend; Hon Pierre Pettigrew (ret) Canadian Federal Liberal politician; Bernard Wilson; and Peter Boot.
In reality, Forbes and Manhattan appear to run The Exploration Group, which in turn runs Alderon. As an example, the press release announcing Danny Williams appointment to Alderon's Board listed a Toronto office that in reality is the office of Black Iron Inc, a subsidiary of Forbes and Manhattan. Its Vancouver office is in fact the corporate office of The Exploration Group. You get the idea. These companies are one and the same. The bottom line to these gents is "increasing shareholder value". In this case, as there are no shareholders in The Exploration Group and Forbes and Manhattan, they mean "increase the share value so we can make an astronomical return when it gets off the ground." Fair enough. That is what business is about, and the gents at Forbes and Manhattan are doing it all over the world.
What is interesting on the Newfoundland and Labrador level is the politicization of Alderon's management team. I was present at the October PC convention when Danny Williams took the stage to give an emotional presentation on the service of one Garry Norris. He let it be known that Norris was the go to guy for any research or any problem, and that he had served the Party well over the years. Williams let it be known then that Norris was leaving public service and gave him a present from the Party for his service. Norris' retirement was officially announced on November 30, 2010 and took effect on December 3, 2010 - the same day as Danny Williams last day in office. Norris was Deputy Clerk of Executive Council under Brian Tobin and Clerk under Beaton Tulk. Roger Grimes removed him from that position when he became Premier. Norris took on the position of Executive VP of Government and Community Affairs at Alderon effective July 4, 2011 - barely 6 months after retiring from the government. Three days later he is registered as holding 250,000 options/shares in Alderon at a value today of over $800,000.00.
The same announcement from Alderon appointed Todd Burlingame as Executive VP for Environment and Aboriginal Affairs. He also received the 250,000 share handshake two days after he signed on. His duties are described in the release: "Mr. Burlingame will be responsible for all environmental permitting aspects to develop the Kamistiatusset (”Kami”) Project through to production, including acquiring all required environmental approvals. He will also have a lead role in Aboriginal Relations." Just so happens that Burlingame's previous position, that he left to take this one, was Manager of Environment and Aboriginal Affairs with Nalcor.
The Board at Alderon is really reflective of what is at work in Labrador. We've already covered the real power behind the group - Stan Bharti. We have covered his head of The Exploration Group - Mark Morabito. You have Matt Simpson who also doubles as Forbes and Manhattans man in Toronto heading Black Iron Inc, and who is working with the famous Larry King on a mine in the Ukraine (Maybe that's how Danny Williams got that spot on the Larry King show). There is Bruce Humphrey who is a Forbes/Exploration Group man and sits on several of its subsidiaries boards - including Cross Hair Exploration and Minerals which is currently developing an uranium project in Labrador (the
Nunatsiavut Assembly just lifted a ban on uranium exploration there). There is Brad Boland who was Brian Tobin's right hand man at Consolidated Thompson. Then of course there is Brian Dalton and John Baker from Altius. That is the same Dalton and Baker that headed the failed Newfoundland and Labrador Refining Corporation. The same two that were involved in Aurora Energy that is also developing a uranium property in Labrador. The same John Baker that owns Ottenheimer and Baker that has the Newfoundland and Labrador Department of Natural Resources as its key client.
That brings us to the Board's latest addition - Danny Williams. The Danny Williams that went to the Middle East with Kathy Dunderdale to try and get investors to bail out Dalton and Baker's Refining Corp. The same Williams that placed MacDonald as Chair of Nalcor. The same Williams that while in office refused to do a deal with Hydro Quebec on the Lower Churchill, but endorsed Altius' bid to fund it as one of three. The boss of Kathy Dunderdale, who as the new Premier took a trade mission to China to promote junior mining companies. Three of those should sound familiar: Alderon; Altius; and Century. Knowing the players one big question remains: Why do they need Danny Williams as a "Special Advisor" to the Chair? The Forbes and Manhattan/Exploration Group really needs special advice from Danny Williams? Is Danny part of the deal? Hard to say with a public company that sells shares to anyone on the exchange. Surely it's not a political necessity to have the former Premier on the Board. There is his connection to the Muskrat Falls deal. They do need the power. He does have business connections in St. John's, but do they really need him?
The truth is Forbes and Manhattan has done something similar to this before - except it was with former Liberal Premier Brian Tobin. In 2005 Stan Bharti and a group of investors raised a private placement of $1 million to get then Thompson Consolidated - Lundmark Gold Mines off the ground. Mr. Bharti then took over briefly as President. Despite Brian Tobin's recent comments that his old political contacts in China saved the mines bacon http://tinyurl.com/6n5h77n it was a determined effort by Bharti's Forbes and Manhattan Group that kept the struggling company alive. They outline this as one of their accomplishments:
Recent Successes
Forbes & Manhattan Builds Assets
Consolidated Thompson Iron Mines
(Created)
- Incubated Consolidated Thompson in 2005 as a grassroots exploration stage iron ore company with assets in Northern Quebec
- Completed scoping study, 3 feasibility studies, and secured financing and off-take with China
- Raised approximately $1 billion in development capital over 5 years
- Consolidated Thompson was acquired by Cleveland Cliffs in May 2011 for $4.9 billion or $17.25 per share representing a return of over 7700% to shareholders
In 2006 Tobin was appointed as the Chair of Thompson Consolidated. He had previously served on a number of boards including Dean MacDonald's Persona Communications, and Canadian Imperial Ventures - a Danny Williams interest. Bernard Wilson was appointed to Thompson Consolidated's Board at the same time. When WISCO (China) invested over $200 million in the corporation Bharti and Bruce Humphrey stepped down from its Board and Chief Financial Officer Brad Boland resigned his position as well. If you check the team at Alderon you will see these three gentlemen now play key roles in this corporation.
The three big problems holding back mining development in Labrador have been power, rail, and ports. In 2010 the rail question was answered to some extent by the completion of the Bloom Lake Railway. A creation of Thompson Consolidated the $100 million railway was described by Tobin: "We have developed our infrastructure, in this case the railway, and we said from the get-go, 'this railway will be available to other users if and when other mining projects are brought to reality.'" Of course the railway is now owned by US based Cliff Resources, and operated by long term agreement with US based Genesee and Wyoming. There remains considerable debate regarding the ability of Quebec's ports to handle projected iron ore originating in Labrador and shipping to Asia and/or Europe.
The power part of the equation is still in question.
ALDERON INSIDERS
Insider Information by Issuer - View Results
Issuer name : alderon ( Starts with )
Date range : January 1, 1995 - January 27, 2012
2012-01-27 22:40 ET
Issuer Name: Alderon Iron Ore Corp.
Legend: Insider's Relationship to Issuer: 1 - Issuer, 2 - Subsidiary of Issuer, 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer, 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer, 6 - Director
or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder, 7 - Director or Senior Officer of Insider or Subsidiary of Issuer (other than in 4,5,6), 8 - Deemed Insider - 6 Months before
becoming Insider.
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2009-12-08
Algie, Anita Young
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2006-12-30 Common Shares 88,000
2006-01-25 Options (Common Shares) 50,000 50,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Altius Minerals Corporation
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2010-12-15 Common Shares 2260761 Ontario Inc. 584,000
2011-02-11 Common Shares Altius Resources Inc. 0
2010-12-15 Warrants (Warrants) 2260761 Ontario Inc. 150,000 150,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Altius Resources Inc.
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
-1-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
2011-02-11 Common Shares Altius Investments
Limited
32,285,006
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Amisano, Terry Michael
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2003-11-14 Common Shares 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2011-11-28
Atwal, Sonya
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-09-16 Common Shares 25,000
2010-12-29 Options (Common Shares) 120,000 120,000
2011-05-24 OTC Calls (including Private
Options to Purchase) (Common
Shares)
0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2005-04-29
Bachman, Richard Lynn
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2004-02-05 Common Shares 840,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Baker, John
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer, 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 400,000 400,000
-2-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Bharti, Stan
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2011-12-20 Common Shares FORBES &
MANHATTAN
2,100,000
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 900,000 900,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Boland, Brad James
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2010-03-03 Common Shares 250,000
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 300,000 300,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Burlingame, Todd
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-06-13 Common Shares 0
2011-06-13 Options (Common Shares) 250,000 250,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Dalton, Brian
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer, 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 400,000 400,000
-3-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2009-09-22
Doctors Investment Group Ltd.
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2009-12-04 Common Shares 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Dunn, Christopher Noel
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2012-01-13 Common Shares 0
2012-01-13 Options (Common Shares) 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2010-03-03
Durno, Jeff
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2010-02-16 Subscription Rights (Common
Shares)
Natgar Capital Corp. 20,500 20,500
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Eldem, Tayfun
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-09-07 Common Shares 0
2011-09-07 Options (Common Shares) 1,000,000 1,000,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2010-03-03
Emprise Capital Corporation
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2009-11-25 Common Shares 3,500,000
-4-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2010-12-13
Gleeson, Patrick James
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2010-03-03 Common Shares 250,000
2010-11-08 Options (Common Shares) 200,000 200,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2004-02-09
Hanson, Kevin R.
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2004-02-09 Common Shares 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Humphrey, Raymond Bruce
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2010-03-03 Common Shares 500,000
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 500,000 500,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Jardine, Gerald Levelle
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer, 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2004-02-09 Common Shares 6,730
-5-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2008-01-01
Kowalchuk, John
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2006-01-25 Options (Common Shares) 50,000 50,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Lawson, Edward Martin
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2006-09-05 Common Shares 359,312
2006-04-28 Common Shares Minera Sucunduri 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Lewis, Benjamin Gerard
Insider Relationship: 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2011-02-04 Common Shares 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Liberty Metals & Mining Holdings, LLC
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2012-01-13 Common Shares 14,981,273
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Marcotte, Simon
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2010-12-13 Common Shares 101,000
2010-12-29 Options (Common Shares) 325,000 201,000
-6-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2009-12-08
Mohammed, Reza Ahmed
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2008-01-10 Common Shares 610,000
2005-11-09 Common Shares Tellford Management
Ltd.
267,500
2006-01-25 Options (Common Shares) 420,000 420,000 420,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Morabito, Mark Joseph
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2012-01-26 Common Shares 3,095,000
2010-11-01 Common Shares Morabito Family Trust 0
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 900,000 900,000
2012-01-26 OTC Puts (including Private
Options to Sell) Common Shares
(Common Shares)
-425,000 -425,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Norris, Gary
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-07-04 Common Shares 0
2011-07-04 Options (Common Shares) 250,000 250,000
-7-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Paine, Sheila Margaret
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2012-01-27 Common Shares 0
2012-01-26 Options (Common Shares) 100,000 100,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2011-12-01
Penney, Brian
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-05-07 Common Shares 0
2011-10-03 Options (Common Shares) 500,000 500,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2010-12-13
PONTIUS, Jeffrey A.
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2010-03-03 Common Shares 200,000
2010-11-08 Options (Common Shares) 200,000 200,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Porter, David James
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2011-02-09 Options (Common Shares) 300,000 300,000
-8-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Potvin, Bernard
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-11-14 Common Shares 0
2011-11-14 Options (Common Shares) 250,000 250,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Santorelli, Keith
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-11-28 Common Shares 0
2011-11-28 Options (Common Shares) 300,000 300,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2005-03-04
Schellenberg, Gary David Albert
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Sherk, Susan Bradley
Insider Relationship: 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2010-12-09 Common Shares 460
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Simpson, Matthew James
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2010-09-20 Common Shares 0
-9-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
2010-12-29 Options (Common Shares) 550,000 550,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Strauss, James Digby Ronald
Insider Relationship: 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2011-02-10 Common Shares 20,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2005-03-01
Torresan, Raymond
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2004-02-16 Common Shares Threefold Ventures
Inc.
10,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Tough, Thomas Robert
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Warr, Donald James
Insider Relationship: 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2011-12-16 Common Shares 39,000
2011-09-22 Common Shares Spousal RRSP 15,000
-10-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Wells, Chad
Insider Relationship: 6 - Director or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder
2011-04-07 Common Shares 35,000
2010-12-08 Common Shares RESP 3,500
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Winter, Stephen Lawrence
Insider Relationship: 8 - Deemed Insider - 6 Months before becoming Insider
2011-10-05 Common Shares 42,000
2011-10-05 Common Shares Spousal 2,800
ALTIUS INSIDERS
Insider Information by Issuer - View Results
Issuer name : altius ( Starts with )
Date range : January 1, 1995 - January 27, 2012
2012-01-27 22:58 ET
Issuer Name: Altius Minerals Corporation
Legend: Insider's Relationship to Issuer: 1 - Issuer, 2 - Subsidiary of Issuer, 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer, 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer, 6 - Director
or Senior Officer of 10% Security Holder, 7 - Director or Senior Officer of Insider or Subsidiary of Issuer (other than in 4,5,6), 8 - Deemed Insider - 6 Months before
becoming Insider.
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Altius Investments Limited
Insider Relationship: 2 - Subsidiary of Issuer
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Altius Minerals Corporation
Insider Relationship: 1 - Issuer
2012-01-24 Common Shares 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Baker, John
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2011-08-24 Common Shares 515,300
2011-08-24 Common Shares Brightsun Holdings
Inc.
50,000
2011-08-24 Options (Common Shares) 62,500 62,500
2011-10-13 Rights DSUs (Rights) 9,069 9,069
-1-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2010-03-18
Butler, Roland Wayne
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2010-01-15 Common Shares 735,450
2003-06-03 Common Shares Lauren Exploration
Ltd.
250,000
2009-12-08 Options (Common Shares) 250,000 250,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Dalton, Brian
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer, 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-09-14 Common Shares 968,073
2003-01-02 Common Shares 10587 Newfoundland.
Ltd.
250,000
2005-04-07 Common Shares RRSP Account 177,702
2011-09-14 Options (Common Shares) 125,000 125,000
2010-09-21 SARs (cash) 250,000 250,000
2005-06-28 Warrants (Common Shares) 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2004-08-31
David W. Tice & Associates, LLC
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2004-08-31 Common Shares Prudent Bear Fund 1,894,700
2003-07-14 Warrants (Common Shares) Prudent Bear Fund 578,500 578,500
-2-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Lewis, Benjamin Gerard
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-09-07 Common Shares 10,000
2009-10-09 Common Shares RRSP 3,050
2011-09-07 Common Shares Spousal Account 18,000
2011-09-07 Options (Common Shares) 75,000 75,000
2010-09-21 Rights SARs (Rights) 150,000 150,000
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Mifflin, Frederick James
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2011-11-28 Common Shares 15,716
2011-11-28 Options (Common Shares) 62,500 62,500
2011-10-13 Rights DSUs (Rights) 9,069 9,069
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Sherk, Susan Bradley
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2011-11-28 Common Shares 9,029
2011-11-28 Options (Common Shares) 47,500 47,500
2011-10-13 Rights DSUs (Rights) 9,069 9,069
-3-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Strauss, James Digby Ronald
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2010-10-27 Common Shares 24,340
2011-10-13 Rights DSUs (Rights) 6,776 6,776
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2010-10-27
Thurlow, John Geoffrey
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2010-10-12 Common Shares 15,640
2010-09-17 Common Shares Bacchus Holdings Inc. 1,163,512
2010-09-20 Options (Common Shares) 87,500 87,500
2004-10-07 Warrants (Common Shares) 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: 2004-01-01
Tognetti, John
Insider Relationship: 3 - 10% Security Holder of Issuer
2003-07-15 Common Shares -9,400
2003-06-27 Common Shares noelle tognetti 1,465,000
-4-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Warr, Donald James
Insider Relationship: 4 - Director of Issuer
2011-11-28 Common Shares 84,816
2008-10-29 Common Shares RSP 8,900
2011-11-28 Options (Common Shares) 62,500 62,500
2011-10-13 Rights DSUs (Rights) 9,069 9,069
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Wells, Chad
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-11-28 Common Shares 43,500
2010-02-26 Common Shares RRSP 34,900
2011-11-28 Options (Common Shares) 75,000 75,000
2010-09-21 Rights SARs (Rights) 150,000 150,000
2005-07-10 Warrants (Common Shares) 0 0
Insider Name:
Ceased to be Insider: Not Applicable
Winter, Stephen Lawrence
Insider Relationship: 5 - Senior Officer of Issuer
2011-08-09 Common Shares 30,000
2011-08-09 Common Shares RRSP Account 2,100
2011-08-08 Options (Common Shares) 75,000 75,000
-5-
Date of Last Reported
Transaction(YYYY-MM-DD)
Security
Designation
Registered
Holder
Closing Balance Insider's calculated balance Closing balance of equivalent number
or value of underlying securities
2010-09-21 Rights SARs (Rights) 150,000 150,000
-6-
Monday, January 23, 2012
The Real Muskrat Falls - Part 2
In this, a record winning year for Canadian Olympians, I think the motto of the Olympic movement says it best, “Citius, Altius, Fortius” – “Faster, Higher, Stronger”. Premier Danny Williams, St. John's Board of Trade, Wednesday, September 8, 2010.
The ending of Williams speech says it best - Altius.
Altius is an exploration corporation based in St. John's, Newfoundland. It has for years staked claims in various areas throughout the province. Its primary business plan is to identify potential mineral deposits, stake claims to them, build small exploration companies to represent the individual claims and then sell them for shares in any company interested in taking over these claims. It generally takes those newly acquired shares and essentially builds its net worth as a corporation on their value. Often it will then liquidate these shares for cash. One practice it always maintains is keeping an ongoing royalty in the projects it sells. It may be a gross sales fee, a net smelter return, or both - as was the case with its Aurora project.
Altius was co-founded by Brian Dalton and Roland Butler, Jr and in October 1997 it went public. Roland Butler, Jr has since left the company to serve as a director of Millrock Resources Inc which hopes to emulate Altius' success as a company focused on generating metallic mineral projects for joint venture exploration and development. Its Board of Directors is an interesting group covering both the Liberal and Conservative political spectrum. Of particular interest is the involvement of John A. Baker, QC. Mr Baker looks to be the sole surviving founder of the law firm Ottenhiemer and Baker in St. John's. It calls itself : "the largest independent law firm in Newfoundland and Labrador."
Ottenhiemer and Baker was run by both the late Senator Gerry Ottenhiemer (PC), who passed away in the late 1990's and John Baker - from the Liberal Baker family. Other prominent members of the Ottenhiemer family include John Ottenhiemer who received his QC while he was a sitting Minister in Danny Williams government in 2004 (and would go on to become Chair of Nalcor in 2007), and Ed Byrne who would be named Danny Williams first Minister of Natural Resources (and held it until charged with influence peddling in 2006).
Ottenhiemer and Baker was in fact covered by the publication Canadian Lawyer http://tinyurl.com/7wq7ob9 . Canadian Lawyer actually brought out some interesting points on the firm during their coverage. Most notably: "Key Clients: Bank of Montreal; Government of Newfoundland and Labrador (Department of Natural Resources); Altius Minerals..."
Ordinarily this would not raise many eyebrows. However, consider that Altius directors Fred Mifflin (Liberal) and Jamie Strauss both had affiliations with the Bank of Montreal. Then there is Brian Dalton and the presidency of Altius.
The big one though has to be Mr. Baker himself. Consider for a moment that Mr. Baker's law firm of Ottenhiemer and Baker represents the Department of Natural Resources, Newfoundland and Labrador and he is also a director of Altius. Consider that Altius has been directly involved with the Department of Natural Resources, over many years, on projects ranging from Alderon's Kami project to the Royalty Trust proposal for the financing of the Lower Churchill.
Take the Newfoundland and Labrador Refining Corporation for starters. It was a project started by Altius to create a refinery near the existing Come-By-Chance refinery in Eastern Newfoundland. Altius held a 39.6% controlling interest in it and Brian Dalton was the managing director. On February 8, 2006 the NL Refining Corporation announced it was starting a feasibility study on the project. That same day somebody else had this to say:
"We know there is tremendous potential to expand and develop many areas of our resource industries, including the oil and gas sector. Worldwide, oil refining capacity needs expansion, and Newfoundland and Labrador is a prime location for a new refinery. With our province's oil and gas expertise and growing industry, expanding our oil refining capabilities will further enhance and strengthen the sector."
- Premier Danny Williams, Feb. 8, 2006
The refinery project received the environmental green light from then Environment Minister Clyde Jackman on October 5, 2007 http://www.releases.gov.nl.ca/releases/2007/env/1005n02.htm - during the 2007 provincial election period. On November 27, 2007 Altius issued a press release announcing participation in the project by SNC Lavelin and Japan's IJK consortium. http://nlrefining.com/files/pr_1196877398.pdf SNC Lavelin had been working on the project with Altius since 2006.
One year later, on October 6, 2008 SNC Lavelin announced it was suing the Newfoundland and Labrador Refining Corporation (NLRC), and Altius Minerals (including its directors) for $20.6 million dollars it claimed was owed to it for work completed on the project thus far. The SNC Lavelin suit claims that by October 2007, three European investors — including Scottish billionaire Harry Dobson — "had decided to no longer fund their proportionate share" of the refinery's expenses, unknown to the engineering firm. In fact, SNC Lavelin had applied to place the refining corporation in bankruptcy in June, 2008. SNC claimed in court that Altius had "deceived" them. SNC failed to have NLRC placed into bankruptcy with the Supreme Court granting a stay of proceedings, which gave NLRC time to find a buyer/new investors or liquidate assets to pay their creditors. That stay ended in November, 2011. In March, 2010 Dalton and company sued to be excused from personal responsibility in the $20.6 million lawsuit. On March 24, 2011 Nalcor announced that SNC Lavelin was awarded the engineering, construction and procurement management for components of the Lower Churchill development.
During the same period of time Altius, at the open request of the provincial government, submitted a proposal for a Royalty Trust to fund the construction of the Lower Churchill. Although the details of that agreement have been kept relatively confidential, some aspects of it have been admitted to. For instance, as is part of their way of doing business, Altius intends on charging an ongoing royalty on gross power sales from the dam for as long as it operates. Judging from previous projects Altius has been involved in that royalty could range from 2 - 3 %.
In a 2005 interview Danny Williams gave some interesting statements:
"As well, from the original 25 submissions, we have also chosen an additional three proposals as potential financing options," Williams said.
"These three financing options will also move into the next phase of assessment as we continue to explore the best option for developing this resource," Williams said in noting "all six proponents have accepted our invitation to move into phase two."
Of the three financing options, two are potential equity investors.
Once the development concept is further defined, the province will be considering equity participation including: Cheung Kong Infrastructure Holdings Limited and Borealis Infrastructure Management Inc.
Finally, an innovative financing option in the form of a royalty trust has been proposed by Altius Minerals Corporation, which will be explored later in the process, Williams said.
The one financing option without an equity participation was Altius'. Their proposal amounts to an ongoing royalty for arranging financing of the project. Of course Altius could not arrange that kind of financing itself, but that story comes later.
Brian Dalton had this to say about the proposal in 2007:
"We're pretty happy to be there," said Brian Dalton, president of Altius. "I think we can provide a really competitive source of financing here and also a financing source that's based here. We think we've got a reasonable shot." Dalton said royalties are a common method of financing mineral projects. "We've proposed to create a royalty trust that would acquire a royalty interest in the project in exchange for financing. So, we wouldn't look for an actual ownership interest in the project, nor would the province or whomever have to take on additional debt. It's just a third option in the financing world."
In a Special Situations Report, Hayward Securities Inc had the following to say about Altius' plan to fund the Lower Churchill: "In August, 2005, the government announced that three firms had made the shortlist for financing alternatives from the twenty-five expressions of interest entered for the development and financing options. Among the three was a proposal by Altius to buy a $200 million plus gross royalty stake and to create a trust entity that would be structured to offer high benefits to Newfoundland and Labrador based investors, including Altius.
In May, 2006, Premier Danny Williams announced that Newfoundland and Labrador would lead development of the site. He stated that having an external partner join the province would result in "less-than-acceptable" benefits to the province. Given Altius' position as a Newfoundland-based firm with deep local roots and an intriguing financing proposal, we believe this decision is positive for the company. We believe this royalty would provide significant upside to the company's long-term performance. There is no better stream than that from hydro, as cash flows may be generated until the next ice age!"
Now you have an idea where the money will be going locally, and who is involved at that level. Next will be the Labrador/Toronto/China tie in.
The ending of Williams speech says it best - Altius.
Altius is an exploration corporation based in St. John's, Newfoundland. It has for years staked claims in various areas throughout the province. Its primary business plan is to identify potential mineral deposits, stake claims to them, build small exploration companies to represent the individual claims and then sell them for shares in any company interested in taking over these claims. It generally takes those newly acquired shares and essentially builds its net worth as a corporation on their value. Often it will then liquidate these shares for cash. One practice it always maintains is keeping an ongoing royalty in the projects it sells. It may be a gross sales fee, a net smelter return, or both - as was the case with its Aurora project.
Altius was co-founded by Brian Dalton and Roland Butler, Jr and in October 1997 it went public. Roland Butler, Jr has since left the company to serve as a director of Millrock Resources Inc which hopes to emulate Altius' success as a company focused on generating metallic mineral projects for joint venture exploration and development. Its Board of Directors is an interesting group covering both the Liberal and Conservative political spectrum. Of particular interest is the involvement of John A. Baker, QC. Mr Baker looks to be the sole surviving founder of the law firm Ottenhiemer and Baker in St. John's. It calls itself : "the largest independent law firm in Newfoundland and Labrador."
Ottenhiemer and Baker was run by both the late Senator Gerry Ottenhiemer (PC), who passed away in the late 1990's and John Baker - from the Liberal Baker family. Other prominent members of the Ottenhiemer family include John Ottenhiemer who received his QC while he was a sitting Minister in Danny Williams government in 2004 (and would go on to become Chair of Nalcor in 2007), and Ed Byrne who would be named Danny Williams first Minister of Natural Resources (and held it until charged with influence peddling in 2006).
Ottenhiemer and Baker was in fact covered by the publication Canadian Lawyer http://tinyurl.com/7wq7ob9 . Canadian Lawyer actually brought out some interesting points on the firm during their coverage. Most notably: "Key Clients: Bank of Montreal; Government of Newfoundland and Labrador (Department of Natural Resources); Altius Minerals..."
Ordinarily this would not raise many eyebrows. However, consider that Altius directors Fred Mifflin (Liberal) and Jamie Strauss both had affiliations with the Bank of Montreal. Then there is Brian Dalton and the presidency of Altius.
The big one though has to be Mr. Baker himself. Consider for a moment that Mr. Baker's law firm of Ottenhiemer and Baker represents the Department of Natural Resources, Newfoundland and Labrador and he is also a director of Altius. Consider that Altius has been directly involved with the Department of Natural Resources, over many years, on projects ranging from Alderon's Kami project to the Royalty Trust proposal for the financing of the Lower Churchill.
Take the Newfoundland and Labrador Refining Corporation for starters. It was a project started by Altius to create a refinery near the existing Come-By-Chance refinery in Eastern Newfoundland. Altius held a 39.6% controlling interest in it and Brian Dalton was the managing director. On February 8, 2006 the NL Refining Corporation announced it was starting a feasibility study on the project. That same day somebody else had this to say:
"We know there is tremendous potential to expand and develop many areas of our resource industries, including the oil and gas sector. Worldwide, oil refining capacity needs expansion, and Newfoundland and Labrador is a prime location for a new refinery. With our province's oil and gas expertise and growing industry, expanding our oil refining capabilities will further enhance and strengthen the sector."
- Premier Danny Williams, Feb. 8, 2006
The refinery project received the environmental green light from then Environment Minister Clyde Jackman on October 5, 2007 http://www.releases.gov.nl.ca/releases/2007/env/1005n02.htm - during the 2007 provincial election period. On November 27, 2007 Altius issued a press release announcing participation in the project by SNC Lavelin and Japan's IJK consortium. http://nlrefining.com/files/pr_1196877398.pdf SNC Lavelin had been working on the project with Altius since 2006.
One year later, on October 6, 2008 SNC Lavelin announced it was suing the Newfoundland and Labrador Refining Corporation (NLRC), and Altius Minerals (including its directors) for $20.6 million dollars it claimed was owed to it for work completed on the project thus far. The SNC Lavelin suit claims that by October 2007, three European investors — including Scottish billionaire Harry Dobson — "had decided to no longer fund their proportionate share" of the refinery's expenses, unknown to the engineering firm. In fact, SNC Lavelin had applied to place the refining corporation in bankruptcy in June, 2008. SNC claimed in court that Altius had "deceived" them. SNC failed to have NLRC placed into bankruptcy with the Supreme Court granting a stay of proceedings, which gave NLRC time to find a buyer/new investors or liquidate assets to pay their creditors. That stay ended in November, 2011. In March, 2010 Dalton and company sued to be excused from personal responsibility in the $20.6 million lawsuit. On March 24, 2011 Nalcor announced that SNC Lavelin was awarded the engineering, construction and procurement management for components of the Lower Churchill development.
During the same period of time Altius, at the open request of the provincial government, submitted a proposal for a Royalty Trust to fund the construction of the Lower Churchill. Although the details of that agreement have been kept relatively confidential, some aspects of it have been admitted to. For instance, as is part of their way of doing business, Altius intends on charging an ongoing royalty on gross power sales from the dam for as long as it operates. Judging from previous projects Altius has been involved in that royalty could range from 2 - 3 %.
In a 2005 interview Danny Williams gave some interesting statements:
"As well, from the original 25 submissions, we have also chosen an additional three proposals as potential financing options," Williams said.
"These three financing options will also move into the next phase of assessment as we continue to explore the best option for developing this resource," Williams said in noting "all six proponents have accepted our invitation to move into phase two."
Of the three financing options, two are potential equity investors.
Once the development concept is further defined, the province will be considering equity participation including: Cheung Kong Infrastructure Holdings Limited and Borealis Infrastructure Management Inc.
Finally, an innovative financing option in the form of a royalty trust has been proposed by Altius Minerals Corporation, which will be explored later in the process, Williams said.
The one financing option without an equity participation was Altius'. Their proposal amounts to an ongoing royalty for arranging financing of the project. Of course Altius could not arrange that kind of financing itself, but that story comes later.
Brian Dalton had this to say about the proposal in 2007:
"We're pretty happy to be there," said Brian Dalton, president of Altius. "I think we can provide a really competitive source of financing here and also a financing source that's based here. We think we've got a reasonable shot." Dalton said royalties are a common method of financing mineral projects. "We've proposed to create a royalty trust that would acquire a royalty interest in the project in exchange for financing. So, we wouldn't look for an actual ownership interest in the project, nor would the province or whomever have to take on additional debt. It's just a third option in the financing world."
In a Special Situations Report, Hayward Securities Inc had the following to say about Altius' plan to fund the Lower Churchill: "In August, 2005, the government announced that three firms had made the shortlist for financing alternatives from the twenty-five expressions of interest entered for the development and financing options. Among the three was a proposal by Altius to buy a $200 million plus gross royalty stake and to create a trust entity that would be structured to offer high benefits to Newfoundland and Labrador based investors, including Altius.
In May, 2006, Premier Danny Williams announced that Newfoundland and Labrador would lead development of the site. He stated that having an external partner join the province would result in "less-than-acceptable" benefits to the province. Given Altius' position as a Newfoundland-based firm with deep local roots and an intriguing financing proposal, we believe this decision is positive for the company. We believe this royalty would provide significant upside to the company's long-term performance. There is no better stream than that from hydro, as cash flows may be generated until the next ice age!"
Now you have an idea where the money will be going locally, and who is involved at that level. Next will be the Labrador/Toronto/China tie in.
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