Expose Alderon Iron Ore Corp - the conclusion

2010 ended with Alderon being in its best cash shape ever. It had $24,376,060.00 in the bank, but a ballooning deficit that reached $32,347,749.00 by year's end. It incurred $4.6 million in administration expenses alone. Rougly $1.3 million went to the Exploration Group(Forbes West)alone. This covered rents, wages, and investor relations among many things. Alderon at this point had almost no staff of its own, and was billed for all these expenses. This, despite the fact that Alderon had only two "offices" at this time: one in Toronto that was in reality the office of Black Iron (Forbes and Manhattan company); and one in Vancouver that belonged to the Exploration Group (Forbes and Manhattan). In addition, large personal contracts for management were signed between Alderon and Forbes and Manhattan interests. The sole primary, physical asset the company had, other than the mine deposit, was a $180,000.00 trailer in Labrador.

2011 was a busy and transforming year for the company. Under the new Forbes and Manhattan direction the company moved ahead with exploration on the Kami site. The company was audited by Revenue Canada for its GST/HST return from April to June, 2011. In September, 2011, the "Forbes Fee" (Forbes and Manhattan)was increased to $40,000.00 per month, plus expenses, from the previous $10,000.00 per month. On a side note, the "Forbes Fee" also provided a lump sum payment of 36 months worth of fees should a change of control result in Mr. Stan Bharti leaving. Exploration Group (now Forbes West) had a contract to provide services and facilities to the company at cost plus 15%. 2011 also witnessed Alderon's stock graduate from the TSX to the TSE - at $2.67 per share.

2011 also marked the year when Alderon started to get a distinct political flavour. Gary Norris, recently retired Clerk of the Executive Council under Danny Williams, signed a personal services contract with Alderon to become Executive Vice-President of Government and Community affairs (after only 7 months from leaving the government). Shortly afterward, Todd Burlingame left Nalcor to become Alderon's Executive Vice-President of Environment and Aboriginal Affairs - a similar position he held at Nalcor.

On September 30, 2011 Alderon's name changed one more time - Alderon Iron Ore Corp. This time there was no reverse share split. Not to be outdone by his former staff, Danny Williams himself was hired onto Alderon with a consulting contract, as Strategic Advisor to the Chairman, on December 22, 2011. His long time communications director while Premier, and confidante Elizabeth Matthews was hired on the same day as a Communications Consultant.

Alderon also hired on 52380 Newfoundland and Labrador Inc to be a consultant for railway development to the mine. 52380 was incorporated September 7, 2005. It was ammended twice and lapsed, but brought back to life again. The company shows two directors - Greg Mercer, and his wife. Mercer served as Special Assistant to Brian Tobin, Fisheries Minister from 1994-1996. In September, 2000 he challenged Gerry Byrne, with the backing of provincial Liberals, for the federal Liberal nomination. He lost, and by November 2000, he was appointed Senior Policy Advisor at Industry Canada under then Minister responsible - Brian Tobin. Mercer is a federally registered lobbyist, and shows Tobin's/Forbes and Manhattan's Consolidated Thompson as his one registered client. He was hired three days after Danny Williams joined Alderon's Board of Directors.

While it was a busy year for Alderon, it was also the most expensive by far. They finished the year down to $7,759,933.00 in the bank and a massive $68,790,827.00 deficit(more than double the year before,and six times the year befor that). Key management personnel received $10,914,462.00 in renumeration. Other big tickets included: $3,567,604 in salaries and benefits; $15,182,005.00 in general and administrative expenses; $21,201,210 in exploration and evaluation expenses; $10,574,640.00 in share based compensation; $1,625,232.00 to Forbes West; and $2,926,997.00 in consulting, professional and legal fees. So much was spent that the company lost $37,506,618.00 on operations in 2011. A year that was very rewarding for insiders, but expensive for the shareholders.

January, 2012 started with a big financial shot in the arm for Alderon when Liberty Metals & Mining Holdings,LLC, a susidiary of Liberty Mutual(USA)took a major position in the company. Liberty pumped $39,999,999.00, less transaction costs of $2,626,000.00, into Alderon in exchange for 14,981,273 shares at $2.67 each - 15% of the company. It was significant as an investment for the credibility it lent Alderon, and of course the cash. Altius was diluted down to 34% opwnership.

On February 23, 2012, Alderon established a detailed Code of Ethics which was a significant departure from the practises of the old days within the company.
On March 28, 2012 Danny Williams joined the Board of Directors. It was an interesting choice as all other members of the Board represented significant shareholders.


On April 13, 2012, the news that Alderon had been praying for was announced. Hebei Iron & Steel Group (China) agreed to purchase 19.9% of Alderon and a 25% stake in a new partnership that was to be established to own the Kami project, for $194-million.
Hebei was to initially buy a near 20-per-cent stake in the Canadian company for $88.3 million at $3.42 a share, or a 0.6-per-cent discount to the day's closing price. Following that, Hebei would invest $105.7-million, giving it the right to a 25-per-cent interest in Kami. The deal also gave Hebei the right to buy 60 per cent of the iron ore produced annually from Kami. Hebei agreed to try and assist in obtaining debt financing for the Kami project from Chinese banks. GMP Securities was Alderon’s financial adviser on the deal and Bank of America Merrill Lynch acted as Hebei’s financial adviser. In a note of interest, the agreement states there were no "finders" except Cuda International Ltd. and GMP Securities L.P. The troubling part of this statement is almost no information exists on a "Cuda International Ltd". The announcement did say that the price per share was discounted 6% from the day's trading price. That may indicate a 6% pay out, or part thereof, to Cuda International Ltd.That represents about $11,440,000.00. There is certainly no record of payments it may have received due to its involvement in this transaction. The only firm of record close to that name the author could find was Cuda Capital Corp, now August metal - previously owned by Reza Mohammed. That's not to say it was the same firm, but the issue is clouded.

On August 9, 2012, Alderon added a significant piece to its infrastructure puzzle by entering into a Port Agreement with the Port of Sept-Ile. The agreement was for 8 miliion tonnes of ore to be shipped annually (although Alderon's plans call for double that ammount). The cost to expand the Port was pegged at $220,000,000.00, and Alderon was required to put in $20.46 million in two payments - $10.23 million on signing and $10.23 no later than July 1, 2013 (interestingly, the federal government added $55 million in as well). Alderon was also required to put up an irrevocable guarantee of the equivalent value. The deal was for 20 years with a 5 year option. Alderon would recieve a discounted rate for shipping until its initial pay-in had been discounted back to the company. Alderon apparently did not have the money for its share, so it turned to Liberty Metals. Liberty provided bridge financing for the first $10.23 million payment, securing it with a mortgage against the Kami project with an 8% interest tag, and promised to front the second half if it was required.

On August 13, 2012 Alderon joined CN Rail's feasability study to develop a rail line from Sept-Ile through to northern Quebec as part of the Quebec government's Plan Nord.

Alderon's stock hit a high of $3.83 on February 22,2012, but started to slide badly from that point on. By late August, 2012 it was at $2.45 per share, a $.97 (32%) drop from the price Hebei had agreed to pay per share. On August 31, 2012, pursuant to the terms of the subscription agreement (as amended) (the "Subscription Agreement"), Hebei acquired 25,858,889 Common Shares at a price of C$2.41 per Common Share for gross proceeds to the Company of approximately C$62.3 million, representing 19.9% of the issued and outstanding Common Shares. Hebei was permitted to change its price per share offering in accordance with a section in the original agreement that gave it flexibility should the value of the Alderon change between the initial signing in April, and the final signing. Concurrent with the Hebei closing, Liberty Metals & Mining Holdings acquired 3,816,181 Common Shares at a price of C$2.41 per Common Share for gross proceeds to the Company of approximately C$9.2 million, allowing LMM to maintain its relative proportionate interest in Alderon. Also concurrent with the Hebei closing, Alderon repayed the $10.5 million bridge loan previously advanced by LMM. Altius also had a pre-emptive right to purchase shares to keep its percentage ownership of Alderon, but apparently did not. The dilution left them at about 25% ownership.

An interesting part of the Hebei Agreement is the formation of a seperate entity to own the Kami project. It appears the old Privco company (0860132 BC Ltd) Mark Morabito used to buy the interest in Kami from Altius may now be the shell company used as this seperate entity. The Agreement awardes 75% ownership to Alderon, and 25% to Hebei. The exact details of the take-off agreement are confidential, but it does remove Kami from Alderon's direct ownership. It also restricts the number of directors in the new company which would tend to benefit Hebei. It does free Alderon up to pursue other mining developments that it may try and capitalize without jeopardizing the financial health of the Kami interest. It may also reduce the over all value of Alderon in the near and long term. Ms. Zheng Liangjun and Mr. Tian Zejun were appointed to Alderon's Board of Directors and, as has been the practise, Stan Bharti of Forbes and Manhattan left the Board - although he kept his lucrative consulting contract. Alderon and Hebei were required to contribute to capital expenditures for the development of the Kami Project not covered by initial capital contributions and project debt financing, in accordance with their respective interests. That leaves it to Alderon to come up with 75% of the projected $1 billion to bring Kami into production. There is a note in the agreement that Hebei, a state owned corporation, would try and facilitate borrowing from two Chinese banks to fund Kami, but no requirement that the funding is mandatory.

In September 2012, Alderon submitted its Environmental Impact Study (EIS) for the Kami project. It outlines a number of challenges facing the development. One such challenge is electrical power. It calls for a new line to built from the Upper Churchill facility that it estimates will cost Nalcor $150,000,000.00 to build. Curiously, it also outlines the use of hydro power and oil-fired power at Kami. The EIS states aproximately one third of the power needed to run Kami at its original output of 8 million tonnes per year would be produced by oil fired generators. The reason given was it was cheaper to use the oil fired generators. This is fascinating when you consider the provincial government's primary purpose for Muskrat Falls was to generate green power and replace Holyrood. The author of that strategy, Danny Williams, now sitting on Alderon's board, is actively involved in promoting the use of oil fired generators, because they are cheaper than electricity. But, I digress.

Alderon's future as a company appears speculative at best. Its stock is now down to $1.73 on the TSX and $1.76 on the NASDAQ. Its cumlative worth has dropped about 60% in the last seven months. China, Alderon's main partner, is facing large over supply issues with iron ore and a slowing economy - domestically and internally. The ore to be produced at Kami cannot be sold in most markets except China due to its make up. So, Alderon and Kami remain almost completely reliant on the whims of China for their success as a company. As Alderon found out, when the original agreement was ammended to drop share purchase prices by Hebei, China has them in a position where they have very few options.

In the end, Alderon remains essentially a "promoter" type company - not unlike its earlier days. It was set up to take an asset, promote it, "de-risk" it, and then allow someone to take it over. That's the way Forbes and Manhattan rolls, and this one is not much different. Forbes group will not take this project to production themselves. We will likely see the same in the projects that Forbes and Manhattan, and Forbes West, are currently involved in within Newfoundland and Labrador: Cap Ex; Ridgemont Iron Ore Corp; Cross Hair Energy Corporation; and Castillian Resources (Hope Brook Gold Project, located in southwestern Newfoundland).

Expose Alderon Iron Ore Corp - Part 1

Alderon Iron Ore Corp came to everyones attention in the province when former premier Danny Williams was named Special Advisor to the Chairman in 2012. A little known company that was suddenly the next Thompson Consolidated mine. It has been in the press advocating its need for Muskrat Falls power yet we know nothing about it. This series will attempt to answer some of those questions.

It all began with the incorporation of the name Comanche Resources Inc, under the Company Act (British Columbia), March 21, 1978. A little less than a year later, February 28,1979, its name was changed once more to Shawnee Oil Corporation. While it was difficult getting any information on these two names, both reappeared in the United States in later years - now defunct and registered as inactive foreign for - profit corporations. On June 11, 1981 the company changed its name yet again - this time to Enfield Resources Inc. Again, not much information was available, and again the same name reappeared in the United States. Enfield Resources Inc was formed in Delaware, May 20, 1986 and appeared in US bankruptcy court on March 10, 1989. Whether or not there is a reason behind this U.S link or it is simple coincidence is anyone's guess.

The story really starts to take life on June 30, 1989 when the company name is changed one more time - Pacific Summa Capital Corp. The records show one Dennis Kozak President and Director, with an office at Suite 411-850 Hastings Street, Vancouver, BC. It appears for the first time as a publicly traded company on the Vancouver Stock Exchange under the symbol PSU.

The Vancouver Stock Exchange (VSE) was essentially the wild, wild west of stock trading in North America. Wikipedia describes it well during the period:
" In 1991, it listed some 2300 stocks. Some local figures stated that the majority of these stocks were either total failures or frauds. A 1994 report by James Matkin (Vancouver Stock Exchange and Securities Regulation Commission) made reference to 'shams, swindles, and market manipulations' within the VSE. Regardless of the low opinion several held in it, it had roughly four billion dollars in annual trading in 1991."
To be clear, this in no way suggests the companies mentioned in this article were involved in such activities, but it gives you a sense of the backdrop to this story.


On June 28, 1991 Pacific Summa Capital Corp changed its name to Pacific Summa Environmental Corp, and issued a share swap of one old for one new share. It signalled a change in the company's focus as it tried to market two products which it had US patents for: Enviro Hazmate (fire extinguisher); and Zeomix (material for toxic clean up). The company entered into an exclusive distribution deal for Zeomix which was subsequently cancelled. On June 16, 1997 the BC Securities Commission filed a Cease Trade Order against the company due to outstanding annual fees. On September 16, 1997, the Securities Commission banned Kovack from trading in the companies stock, because he failed to file insider's disclosure documents. Other members of the board at that time included Gerald Jardine, John Toljanich, and David Van Dyke. On March 10, 1998, Kovak resigned as President of the company. The company itself was suspended from the VSE on July 16, 1998. The Cease Trade Order was revoked on July, 27, 1998. Gerald Jardine took over as President and the company delisted from the VSE on November 26, 1999. Significantly, Mark Brown took over as CEO. On November 27, 1999 the company joined the TSX venture exchange. Its high value was on the VSE at $3.35 a share, and its low value was $.01 a share on the TSX when it delisted on August 8, 2000.

The next day, Pacific Summa Evironmental Corp was renamed as Traux Ventures Corp. The company by this time was carrying a deficit of $10 million dollars from its previous years, had failed to launch any successful projects, and left many disappointed investors in its wake. To launch Traux the Board of Directors initiated a 30 to 1 reverse share split. That freed them to launch yet another share offering to recapitalize the company. On April 30, 2001 Reza Mohammed took over from Mark Brown.

Reza Mohammed ran a large number of exploration companies from his tiny office in Vancouver. The companies all had the same fax and phone number, and board members - particularily one Anita Algie. Mohammed was a realtor in the Vancouver area, and earned a degree in the mid eighties. Some of the companies he ran included: Tellford Management; Cuda Capital Corp; Titus Capital Corp; Gold Key Capital Corp; etc. The one director that stands out on most of his companies was Peter Born. Born not only sat on Mohammed's boards, but he also sits on the Advisory Board of Forbes and Manhattan - a relationship that will become crucial to Alderon. Mohammed also sat on the Board of Directors of Castillian Resources Corp. Castillian was, and remains, a Forbes and Manhattan interest. It's at this stage of the company's life that Forbes and Manhattan becomes an influentual factor in the company.

Also joining Traux at this time was Senator Edward Lawson. A veteran of the Teamsters Union, Lawson was appointed as an indepedendant Senator by Pierre Trudeau and became a Liberal Senator when Paul Martin won the Liberal leadership. Senator Lawson was very involved in mineral exploration companies. Lawson's lawsuit against Sun media over a story outlining his relationships with stock fraudsters David Ward and Ed Carter created national headlines. Interestingly, the US department of Justice filed suit against the Teamsters executive (Lawson included) alledging the executive, and 26 mobsters, had conspired to hijack the union from its members. The issue was settled when the executive agreed in writing to reform the Teamsters. Lawson took over the role of Chairman of Traux.

Traux followed the path of its earlier incarnations. It achieved little. It traded alot of stock. Its overall deficit remained about $10.5 million. Its highest stock value was $.58 per share on November 17, 2003, and its lowest was $.115 on June 3, 2004. It delisted from the TSX on August 31, 2004.

On September 1, 2004, the company's name changed again - this time to Aries Resource Corp. As had become the norm the Board authorized a reverse share split of 4 old for 1 new share. Members of the Board at this time included Reza Mohammed, Senator Lawson, John Kowalchuck, Anita Algie, and John Harper. Notably, all the original Pacific Summa directors were gone at this point. A significant entry into the company was a 2 million share purchase by Doctor's Investment Group, a Bahamian registered company, owned by Michael W Taylor. Aires made an application at this time to transition into the Business Corporations Act (BC), and on the same day shareholders passed a special resolution to change its authorized capital to an unlimited number of common shares without par value. The next four years proved to be generally fruitless for the company. Its accumlated deficit increased to over $11 million. Thomas Tough, a director of Desert Sun Mining Corp, a Forbes and Manhattan interest, joined the Board. At the annual general and special meeting of September 4, 2008, shareholders passed a motion for a 10 to 1 share reverse and a name change to Alderon Resources Corp.Nineteen days later the stock completely collapsed. Reza Mohammed resigned as president on August 12, 2008. The saviours of the company were to be Emprise Capital Corp who invested in the company, appointed its Jeff Durno as president, and Robert Chisholm as director. In the words of Emprise: " Complete restructure and reorganization (of Alderon)".

The first few decades of the company's life saw it swing from one interest to another. It sold large amounts of shares, did numerous reverse share splits that crucified investors who were unlucky enough to invest, and fed numerous officers with handsome management fees. It went from oil exploration, to mining exploration,to capital fundraising, to environmental promoters, and back to mineral exploration. One thing it did not do was achieve any purposeful, positive return to its shareholders. It ended this era with a sorry $.01 per share worth. In the wild, wild west days of the VSE it behaved as most did. In its transformation to the TSX it did no better. By 2001 it was becoming infiltrated with people closely aligned to Forbes and Manhattan. The stage is now set for the Forbes and Manhattan remake - that is Part II.

Dunderdale, Skinner, and Despicable Acts

The Elizabeth Matthews secret appointment story grows - expontentially. On Monday,  an indignant Ms Matthews withdrew her nomination as Vice Chair for the Canada - Newfoundland and Labrador Offshore Petroleum Board (CNLOPB), and the already existing position as a regular member of the Board. A furious Minister Kennedy came on the VOCM Open Line show and condemned the Official Opposition for scurrilously attacking poor Ms Matthews character, and lamenting that such attacks were aimed at nothing less than women's rights. That somehow the Opposition was against advancing women in politics. Forget for the moment that the Leader of the Opposition is a woman. Let's focus on his spin. Minister Kennedy ignored the fact that Ms Matthews was secretly appointed. He ignored the fact that the government had an obligation to inform it's citizens about the actual nomination, and not just the hypothetical nomination as Vice-Chair. Again, the spin, no matter how ridiculous it may seem, was put ahead of the actual issue.

Then there is my twitter conversation with David Cochrane of the CBC. Mr Cochrane stated to me that Ms Matthews told him she was unaware of being appointed to the Board. As far fetched as that would seem one would think that lying to the press would be even more so. Surely in a government process, where officials are always making sure they have their collective selves covered, a paper trail will be there - somewhere. Then there is Mr Skinner coming on CBC, NTV and the Telegram and stating:

"There was a process, as I indicated, that was supposed to be followed — and again — I haven't been able to determine why that process wasn't done in a more timely manner, but again, I'm going to investigate that," Skinner said.

He further sated:

"While I respect [Matthews's] decision, I am disappointed that such an accomplished and capable individual was pushed to such a decision by petty political manoeuvring by the Opposition that went too far," Skinner said in a statement Monday.


A nasty shot at the Official Opposition, again, with the purpose of demonizing them and ignoring the issue. His own extended interview on the matter started with him saying there was a communications breakdown. That Ms Matthews was not informed of her appointment, and that he would investigate why. Then he said the problem was politics and not communication problems. Then, at the end of the interview, he went back to his position there was a communications problem. You couldn't make this stuff up.

Fast forward to Tuesday. One day later and a new document is released. A copy of the actual Order in Council authorizing Ms Matthews appointment to the board and nomination as it's Vice Chair:


You will notice that Ms Matthews is listed, along with the Premier, as people to receive copies of the Order. That makes sense considering the Premier put forward the appointment, and Ms Matthews was the person receiving it. In addition, two Deputy Ministers, the Clerk, and the file were to receive copies. That document was dated 21 December, 2011. The only problem being that Ms Matthews and Minister Skinner said she wasn't notified.

Then the bombshell fell Wednesday. The Telegram wrote a story: http://tinyurl.com/48lhz44. Apparently, an spokesperson for Executive Council confirmed that the Order in Council was delivered to Ms Matthews. Oops. Ms Matthews told the CBC she wasn't told she was on the Board. According to the Telegram:

Matthews told The Telegram she received a copy of the order in early January, but was told it was sent to her in error.

“I received an (Order in Council) in the mail in January at which point I contacted the Premier's Office to enquire about its contents,” Matthews said. “I was told they were unaware the (Order in Council) had been sent to me and it should not have been sent.”

Here are some immediate questions. Why would Elizabeth Matthews or the Premier's Office question her receiving a copy of the Order when she is designated to get a copy as stated on the Order?Why should the Oder in Council not be sent to Ms Matthews when she was on the internal distribution list? Why would the Premier's Office, of all Offices, tell her it was mistakenly sent out? Why did Minister Skinner say she wasn't told of her appointment when she was (in January no less)? Why would Ms Matthews have to enquire about the contents of the Order considering her extensive experience as the government's Director of Communications. Then there are the two big questions: Why did Kathy Dunderdale not tell the press the truth, and why did she allow Minister Skinner to mislead the public? After all, according to Ms Matthews, she spoke to the Premier's Office directly about her appointment in January. Ms Matthews knew she was appointed in January. The Premier knew that Ms Matthews was aware of her appointment in January. So why did the premier allow Minister Skinner to mislead the public?

The questions are just finally coming to the real nuts and bolts of things. The bottom line is we can't have politicians lying at will to our press. The press are our ears and eyes, and a firm check on the power of governments. This is the most serious of challenges to our democratic way of life. It challenges the very foundation of our democratic process. This is an issue that should bring down Mr Skinner, Ms Dunderdale, likely Minister Kennedy and perhaps the government in general. A breach of trust. A gross attempt to manipulate it's own citizens for purely partisan reasons. A despicable act by any government claiming to be democratic.